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By Prof. Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit Lord Shiva as Nataraja as the main symbol at the Bharat Mandapam shows the unity and continuity of our unbroken civilization. The roof of Peace rests upon the walls of Understanding Thiruvalluvar Through the G20+1 the Delhi Declaration, PM Modi heralded a clarion call for Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam of one earth, one family, one future—a presidency of hope, harmony, peace and stability. But here in Bharat one saw a chilling testament constructed by the colonial discourse built by Bishop Robert Caldwell, a big mentor of the Dravidian Movement, who used his knowledge of Tamil grammar to further his agenda of his evangelical mission to convert the Tamils. The same arguments put forward by him have been repeated by a young dynast Udhayanidhi, whose motto seems to be ignorance is bliss. What is a surprise is the attempt to repeat the colonial and conversion mindset that still exists, and to try and insult a faith that is practised as a way of life by 80% of the people of the state. Is this a way to dent the cultural unity of this civilizational state that has entered the fourth Industrial Revolution and declared its arrival on the world stage? The unity of ideas can be seen in that we have been one people, as reflected in the Sangam literature poem 192 in Purananuru, it gives a glimpse on the richness, maturity and wisdom of the urban culture of Tamilakam and beyond. “Every city is your city, Everyone is your kin.” This is by a people who for centuries followed a Hindu way of life. This colonial evangelical constructs being repeated by the neo-converts bring a dangerous conspiracy of creating a false reality that all other faiths are equal, when none are. One agrees that the caste system is a social evil that exists among all South Asians, irrespective of faith. It needs to be eradicated, but not by spreading militant hatred. The Keeladi excavations of the Vaigai river civilization have challenged the so-called Aryan invasion, as well the Tamil-Sanskrit divide, thereby underlining the Dravidian-Aryan divide as an ideological construct. These excavations seem to predate the Indus Valley Civilization and there is a similarity between the Tamil Brahmi and Indus Brahmi scripts. This substantiates the unity of this great civilization. Initially, it was constructed with the purpose of the 19th century evangelicals to convert during the time of Bishop Caldwell. Later it was used by the Dravidian Movement and the Dravidian political parties and are the latest post-colonial manifestation of the British colonial policy of divide and rule. Why are the same arguments constructed by Bishop Caldwell being repeated verbatim today? Are the same forces of divide-and-rule still at work owing to the failure to convert the majority in the state? The revisionist attempt to use Caldwell’s construct and mindset in free India will not work for vote bank politics. Their attempt to strip off Hindu practices in order to construct a so-called secular (in fact, an anti-Hindu) Dravidian Tamil identity seems to have failed. One such example at this continuous efforts is to depict the Hindu Tamil festival on Makara Sankranti as Tamil new year day failed, as the festival is closely rooted with the culture of the state. Likewise, attempts by international NGOs to ban Jallikattu also failed. Jallikattu is closely intertwined with Pongal and the farming community. Are the Dravidian parties blindly following the colonial evangelical construct that failed to eliminate Hinduism or Sanatan Dharma as a way of life that has no beginning or end unlike the Abrahamic faiths that are based on revelation and not through a process of evolution. Is it old wine in a new bottle to break this synergistic trinity of religious practices British colonial rule tried to do by divide and rule? They cleverly divided temple events into religious and secular functions. Then they usurped the secular functions from the temples, the centres of Hinduism to debilitate its social welfare contribution across India. Hindus are still grappling with reality and the hypocrisy of secularism in Independent India, which followed the post-colonial agenda of dividing and controlling the Hindus as the British did. Hope Bharat will give up this hypocrisy and discrimination and create a true Amrit Kaal for the 80% at both the levels of de facto and de jure. Now let us put the facts together that the divisive construction of Bishop Caldwell was done to divide and rule. Conversion was a major agenda. To further this, Caldwell constructed the divisive narrative based on Brahmins as Aryans and ethnically as foreigners who invaded from outside and ruled over the low caste indigenous Dravidians who are religiously different from high-caste Brahmins. Caldwell cloaked his conversion and divisive agenda with his unmatched scholarship of the Tamil language. He invented a new identity by coining the term “Dravidian” in his ground breaking work “A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages”, that paved the new assertion of the superiority of Tamil, independent of Sanskrit; this agenda-driven narrative inspired and continues to inspire the Dravidian movement and parties. Does the Church of South India hold the same construct by Bishop Caldwell, who as a Christian missionary wanted to prove the superiority of the Western civilization as a White man’s duty? Hinduism or Sanatan Dharma has always been a fragmented, federated religion that allowed local communities to develop and maintain their own sets of Gods, agamas, rituals, customs and worship patterns. Tamil Hindu culture is no different. Hindu society was organized around local temples with spirituality, social welfare and social practices interwoven together. The symbol of Lord Shiva as Nataraja as the main symbol at the Bharat Mandapam, where the recent G20 summit was held, brings in this unity and continuity of our unbroken civilization. Shiva’s dance has three significances, aptly brought out at the G20—the oneness of one earth, one family and one future. It is the image of Nataraja’s rhythmic play as the source of all movement within the cosmos, which is represented by the arch. The purpose of his dance is to release the countless souls of human beings from the snare of illusion. The place of the dance, Chidambaram, the centre of the universe, is in the heart every Hindu or Sanatani. The philosophical dimensions of Shiva’s dance, stands at the Amrit Kaal of Bharat, interpreting the icon of Nataraja to be the perfect combination of the mystical, philosophical and aesthetic aspects of Indian culture. The dance of Shiva relates to its cosmic significance, symbolizing the creation, maintenance and destruction of the universe and ultimately its rejuvenation. All this is symbolic of what the G20 has achieved trying to rejuvenate a polarized and divided world towards consensus. It is the signifier of cosmic activity envisaged in the five aspects [pancakritya]—srishti [creation], sthiti [maintenance], samhara [destruction], tirobhava [concealment] and anagraha [grace]. This symbol of Shiva as Nataraja are the greatest of His names, Lord of Dancers or King of Actors. At the G20 this symbol of the Hindu civilization that the cosmos is His theatre and He himself is the Actor and the Audience. The Lord of Tillai’s court performs this mystic dance and the Unmai Vilakkam, verse 36 tells us, “Creation arises from the drum; protection from the hands of hope; the foot held aloft begives release”. What Shiva creates is the manifest and unmanifest world; what He destroys are the illusory bonds that fetter not only the world at large, but every individual soul in the cosmos. All this truly symbolizes the renewed spirit of the PM Modi and a new confident, inclusive and confident Bharat. #G20 #BharatMandapam #G20India #NewDelhiLeadersDeclaration2023 Originally Published : The Sunday Guardian, 17th September, 2023 https://sundayguardianlive.com/opinion/g20-summit-showed-civilisational-unity-of-bharat#:~:text=The%20symbol%20of%20Lord%20Shiva,one%20family%20and%20one%20future. Posted on SIS Blog with the Authorization of the Author. Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is Vice Chancellor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Srikanth Kondapalli The debt phenomenon is so significant that nearly half the African Union member states are in debt – mostly to the state-owned banks of China. Countries in South America and Asia are also being caught up in this debt slide. While the New Delhi G20 summit only appealed to countries to address this serious debt issue, that China is now being seen as a part of the problem seems to be hanging over it like a Sword of Damocles. As the G20 summit wound up in New Delhi on September 10, China must be pondering over the emergence of a world order that seems to be slipping from its hands. For, overcoming the tectonic East-West divide and the North-South fault lines, India is trying to bring more inclusive and multilateral regional and global orders in the post-pandemic world. By most indicators, China was at the centre of the G20 processes. Its sheer economic size of over $19 trillion and average growth of 10 percent from 1980 to 2010 and above 7 percent in the last decade have positioned China as a key player in the G20 sphere. It is one of the largest trading partners of many G20 member States, utilising all the privileges offered by the World Trade Organization. In the last two decades, China also began influencing the G20 debates on global trade, investment, financial stability, and sustainable development. China hosted the G20 at Hangzhou in 2016 and used the platform to advocate its policy priorities and interests. At this meeting, it called for financial market reforms, trade liberalisation, infrastructure investment and others. It attracted huge capital, technology and markets in the process. Testing times for Beijing However, this fairy tale seems to be ending as China has frittered away these benefits as it began showing its teeth prematurely. China’s economic growth rates fell to about 3 percent last year, partly due to its domestic economic restructuring from exports to domestic consumption, import substitution Made in China 2025 campaign and the disastrous pandemic that originated in Wuhan. Its largest trading partners began questioning China’s lack of market economy, as promised under the WTO, soft protectionist policies, non-tariff barriers and currency manipulation practices. The Covid pandemic, Ukraine conflict, US-China “decoupling”, and European “derisking” processes, in addition to other geopolitical aspects, are testing China politically. Beijing has not shown any transparent responses to these challenges, thus paving the way for others like India to emerge. Despite many objections from China and other observers, the Delhi Declaration of G20 proved to be based on everyone’s consensus. First, the statement on Ukraine, though watered down compared to the previous Bali declaration, reflected the current dynamics of the Ukraine situation. The Delhi Declaration did condemn any “territorial acquisition against the territorial integrity and sovereignty or political independence of any state” but without naming “aggression by the Russian Federation” as the Bali Declaration did a year ago. As explained by Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, the situation today has changed substantially – referring to the effects of the conflict on the vast majority of developing countries. Besides, despite a beeline of US visitors to China such as Blinken, Yellen, Kissinger and Raimondo, Beijing does not seem to have mellowed down. The Biden administration has to consider this new geopolitical situation developing around an assertive China. Subdued Chinese presence Second, China was represented at the G20 not by its President but by its Premier Li Qiang, who took over in March this year. Li made a brief speech at the G20 summit, mentioning China’s recent initiatives to build a “community of common destiny”, Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative and Global Civilisational Initiative, none of which were endorsed by the G20 countries that seem to be beginning to find long-term domination efforts by China through these concepts. Since the 20th Communist Party Congress last year, China’s leaders began criticising the US and others for forming “small cliques” to counter their country. Likewise, Li stated that “we must choose solidarity over division, cooperation over confrontation, and inclusiveness over exclusion”. He also asserted China will “firmly oppose the politicisation of economic and trade issues”. Li’s interactions at the G20 venue were also subdued. Li met U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Council President Charles Michel, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, while the US President Joe Biden commented that they “talked about stability... it wasn't confrontational at all”. Earlier, China boycotted the G20 meetings held in Arunachal Pradesh and Srinagar and advised that the words “vasudhaiva kutumbakam” (the world is one family) be removed from the logo. President Xi Jinping’s rejection at the Johannesburg meeting of an “expeditious” disengagement of troops in India's western sector and China’s release of a map incorporating vast swathes of lands in Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh, furthered increased the chasm between the two countries. Third, despite a planned third summit meeting of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) next month, it may not be moving so well. The BRI began a decade ago with a unilateral agenda favouring the Communist Party-state apparatuses and businesses, and leaving no effective room for global or regional participation. On the other hand, the declaration for an India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC) has public-private partnership arrangements for all the countries on the port, road, railways and hydrogen pipelines, in addition to digital connectivity. Triggers for integration – including trade facilitation, digital tools, logistics, resilient supply chains and infrastructure on a massive scale are being planned. It was mentioned that the process would be inclusive, open, fair, secure, non-discriminatory, and address the digital divide. At the Jakarta meeting of the Southeast Asian grouping, just before the G20 meeting, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced an “economic corridor” connecting Southeast Asia to West Asia through India. These ambitious “spice route” projects may be eclipsing the BRI. The debt crisis Fourth, China at one time supported the Third World concept and recently invested in the developing countries being a part of the BRI. But now that ground seems to be slipping for Beijing. Several Chinese commentators have expressed concern that India is taking over the “leadership of the Global South” through the G20 mobilisation. While China supported activities related to the 55-member African Union in G20 meetings, it is hard for China to digest the fact that India became instrumental in successfully pushing for the AU’s membership in the G20. Fifth, in recent times the G20 began making efforts for the “Debt Service Suspension Initiative” and “Common Framework for Debt Treatments” that aim to provide debt relief and restructuring options for heavily indebted developing countries. This is of concern for China as it has become a major lender to the Global South, often at exorbitant interest rates. For instance, bilateral debt from Chinese lenders accounts for 24 percent of Africa’s external debt, compared to 32 percent from global private sector lenders (excluding China), 16 percent from the World Bank, 19 percent from the International Monetary Fund and other multilateral institutions, and 10 percent from the Paris Club. The debt phenomenon is so significant that nearly half the African Union member states are in debt – mostly to the state-owned banks of China. Countries in South America and Asia are also being caught up in this debt slide. While the New Delhi G20 summit only appealed to countries to address this serious debt issue, that China is now being seen as a part of the problem seems to be hanging over it like a Sword of Damocles. #G20India #China #NewDelhiDeclaration Originally published: SouthAsia Monitor, 15th September' 2023 https://www.southasiamonitor.org/indo-pacific-china-watch/g20-slipping-chinas-grasp Published on SIS Blog with the Authorisation of the Author Prof. Srikanth Kondapalli is Dean of School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Anshu Kumar Introduction The world is 'sleepwalking into a planetary crisis’. With rising sea levels, owing to increased global temperature, multiple coastal cities around the world are headed towards submersion. Small island states in the Pacific and elsewhere are apprehensive about losing their complete existence. The climate crisis is expected to cause more than 100 million people to plunge into extreme poverty and displace more than 200 million people by 2030. Barring Iran and Poland, all the top 20 carbon-emitting countries in the world are members of the G20 grouping. The G20 grouping, comprising 80 per cent of the global GDP, 75 per cent of international trade and 60 per cent of the global population, has the financial wherewithal and material paraphernalia to pioneer a response to climate change. India, which is currently holding the G20 presidency, has the opportunity to shape global climate governance in a manner to address the issues essential for climate action. Being a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), BRICS grouping and the QUAD, India can champion Global North-South cooperation on the issues of climate change. Climate justice and equity are insufficiently incorporated into the global climate governance process at present. India can change this in its presidency. Rationally, none of the G20 members can fight the climate crisis on its own. Each member needs to capitalise on their strengths and cooperate and share the wherewithal and paraphernalia to fight the climate monster. The Majesty of International Groupings ‘International organizations do not exist in a political vacuum’. International organisations are constituted to address the fears and challenges that states face within the international system and reflect the hopes and aspirations of the state. Multilateral fora are instituted on the belief that sovereign states cannot address the crises transcending the political boundaries of the states. In an interdependent and globalised world, the role of interstate forums has been crucial. Over one century, the growth in the number of international organisations— including a journey from traditional security-based international organisations to all sorts of non-traditional organisations— is an indication of how sovereign states have become comfortable with involving a myriad of actors from Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), private individuals, civil societies, Multinational Corporations (MNCs), to business groups to address a labyrinth of crises faced globally. Even when there is no overarching world government, there is a ‘society of states' which, being conscious of certain common interests and common values, 'form a society in the sense that they conceive themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in their relations with one another, and share in the working of common institutions'. The idea of international society goes against the realpolitik vantage point, which either believes that international organisations are an extension of the hegemonic power or repudiates the working of such international organisations in its entirety. Hedley Bull argues that the idea of international society had always been there in the working of interstate interactions, and at no point in history did it completely disappear. Even at the height of World War II, the Allied powers continued to pay homage to the international institutional fabric to steer their relations between themselves and with other neutral countries. Even when the two superpowers were head-to-head with each other during the Cold War crises, they never broke their diplomatic relations with each other, refuted the idea of working within the ambit of common international law or withdrew recognition of each other's sovereignty. Aaron Friedberg argues that even if political relations between democracies and illiberal regimes go into disarray, there is a ‘genuine convergence of interests’ on discrete issues like climate change. It is equally pressing to assert that there are ‘issue-specific’ areas and no single state, not even the most powerful one, can entirely dominate in every area. Thus, interstate cooperation is required to deal with various issues in a myriad of domains. The idea of ‘Club Goods’ Hathaway and Shapiro recommend the idea of producing 'club goods' instead of bothering to form a universal consensus to address crises transcending political boundaries. ‘Club Goods' are non-rivalrous (like public goods) but excludable (like private goods). Consider a swimming club. Club members can enjoy swimming in their pool at the same time (non-rivalry) and can use a gate to keep non-members out (excludability)’. Global clubs are based on the idea that actors (for instance, states) choose to join a club/alliance to benefit from it and in return, they agree to comply with the condition of denying the benefits to non-members. [However, they can also deny benefits to non-compliant members in order to discipline them.] This idea of moving to clubs from decentralising global governance dates back to history. There is a long history of success in harnessing the power of numbers through a global club. In connection with the global crisis of ozone layer depletion, every state was interested in a ban on the use of Chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) that included everyone but them. A global treaty would have been a fiasco with every non-compliant free riding on the compliance of honest states. The Montreal Protocol on Substances That Deplete the Ozone Layer (1987) assiduously created a global club. The first condition put forth for aspiring members was to reduce and ultimately phase out their consumption of CFCs. The other and most crucial condition was to trade CFCs-producing ingredients only to club members. It inferred that non-members could not buy ingredients, and thus, the cost of being left out was high. ‘The benefits of membership, and the costs of being a non-member, increased as the club got bigger’. The enforcement mechanism of global clubs requires members to report their data on compliance, and members are also able to report concerns about other members. When members fall short of complying with the conditions, there is an effort to make the pariah state return to compliance. In case of a fiasco, members issue collective sanctions and even terminate the membership of that state. Thus, the pariah state becomes bereft of privileges associated with membership. The G20 grouping, comprised of a small number of economically and politically powerful states, can create a global club to enforce measures to deal with the rising global temperature. The high cost of not being part of such clubs would compel other states to join the club and agree on the conditions to ensure measures that reduce activities, paraphernalia and processes akin to global warming. Since most of the G20 members are the top carbon-emitting countries of the world [The G20 countries alone account for more than 75 per cent of global greenhouse emissions], the most crucial decisions on climate change need to be taken among the G20 members rather than worldwide. Contrary to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) [In the UNFCCC, discarding the criteria of size, all 194 parties have an equal voice and consensus is required for decisions], the G20’s exclusive membership allows for more efficient decision-making. Any action by the G20 grouping could keep the global temperature from increasing by 2 degrees Celsius for several decades. From neorealist parlance, it is the most powerful countries that shape the course of international systems. Thus, once the G20 members, including states from almost every region, set the course of action related to climate change, the rest countries would follow suit. It has become a trend for international organisations to be used as a forum for politicising world events by great powers. India’s G20 presidency has, too, faced such push and pull on the Ukraine crisis. However, it is crucial for the state actors to depoliticise the G20 groupings, at least on matters of 'planetary concerns.' It should be equally pressing for the world powers to look into the non-traditional issues of the day that are slowly eating the natural fabric of the planet Earth. #PlanetaryCrisis Originally Contributed for the SIS Blog. Anshu Kumar is a Master’s student at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His research interest lie in India’s relations with great powers, the rise of China in the international system, strategic studies, and Indian foreign policy.

By Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit Public education bridges the gap of social, economic and regional disparities. The motto of Excellence with Empathy, Equality with Equity and Inclusion with Integrity and Innovation is even more relevant today. The reason being the spate of suicides by promising young men and women, especially from the marginalized groups—this is extremely distressing to say the least. Higher education institutions need to address this issue urgently for there seems to be a lack of empathy, equality and inclusion. It is necessary that all stakeholders need to build this sense of belonging. We need to learn from each other, especially the best practices in empathy, equality and inclusion. These academic spaces need to be created and strictly practised. The goal of becoming a Vishvaguru, a leader in the knowledge society requires transformational reforms in education. The NEP 2020 is indeed a unique framework, for it brings in continuity with change, realm with region and holism with specialization. The stress is on interdisciplinary and multi-disciplinary aspects of knowledge, balance between science, technology, social sciences, humanities and languages. A touch of the local, regional with the national and international as well as the universal. The State’s role in education is very important, for it is public education that bridges the gap of social, economic and regional disparities. Private players can never replace the State, as the autonomy of educational institutions is guaranteed by a democratic state like India. Undertaking the weighty yet indispensable responsibility of embracing the endeavour of learning, fostering education, and driving innovation are intricately tied to the architecture of our education system. Within this framework, the role of higher education institutions, particularly exemplified by institutions like JNU, assumes an outsized and pivotal significance. This calls a higher investment in education by the State to more than 10% of the GDP. Political power without narrative power is like a directionless ship. Science and technology are just instruments, and a narrative architecture built and nurtured by political power with economic and social power will enhance the longevity of any political regime. NEP 2020 is a visionary document that has given HEIs the opportunity to be flexible, experiment and be more inclusive. Once a student is able to gain admission into the top HEIs the feeling of belonging need to be created by the faculty and the seniors, isolation and competition need to be replaced by empathy, learning and mindfulness. Instead of declaring a student a failure in a format of examination, need not be the last word on his/her abilities. The greatest mathematician, Srinivasa Ramanujan failed to clear his higher secondary. It is not only an issue of mental illness, but the environment that creates it. HEIs need to give that ray of hope to all. HEIs need to talk to each other to resolve these issues and create unalienating spaces. The designated role ascribed to institutions of higher learning, including JNU, is to facilitate education, foster innovation, and contribute to the construction of a society characterized by openness, diversity, compassion, self-reliance, self-dignity and high-caliber competitiveness. From its inception, JNU has been a vital chapter within India’s narrative of higher education. It has functioned as a nurturing crucible for emerging leaders across diverse domains and sectors, ranging from the political sphere to the realm of bureaucracy, the armed forces and two Noble Prize winners. Moreover, JNU has fervently championed inclusive, democratic and creative spaces for discourse, deliberation and discussion significantly influencing the trajectory of public debates. While we rightfully take pride in many aspects of JNU, its history, and the institution itself, some challenges demand our attention. The first challenge confronting higher education institutions in India, including JNU, revolves around enhancing their outcomes and outputs. Subsequent challenges, though relevant, complement or augment this central concern. The primary objective at JNU is to extend its impact by assuming a heightened social responsibility—cultivating a workforce that is not only characterized by parity, equity, diversity, and enhanced competitiveness but also wields the agency to influence and guide the global trajectory. JNU’s pivotal role lies in nurturing a workforce that not only conforms to prevailing global paradigms but also possesses the capacity to shape and lead them. This commitment to proactive influence and guidance represents an imperative. Failing to fulfill this pivotal mission would render JNU’s identity as a university and higher education institution incomplete. How to incorporate Industry -University cooperation for skill enhancement. The second significant challenge pertains to extending outreach to marginalized and underrepresented segments of society. JNU has steadfastly positioned itself as an institution fostering an environment conducive to the progress of women and marginalized groups. In doing this, JNU has not only propagated and extended the concept of “Nari Shakti” (women led development)but has also served as a living embodiment of it. In a remarkable stride, the institution has witnessed the appointments of women as chairpersons and Deans over the past one and a half years—a historical precedent that resonates with its commitment to equity and women’s advancement and empowerment. With increase in the number of girl students and women faculty in the last year and half. The third challenge revolves around infrastructural limitations. Financing remains an enduring struggle for higher education institutions worldwide, presenting fluctuations in resource availability. JNU faces fiscal constraints, yet it has adroitly harnessed technology and alternative sources of revenues to mitigate a range of deficiencies. Pioneering the landscape, JNU is set to become India’s first higher education institution with a fully operational 5G-enabled campus and exploring the Private -public collaboration in infrastructure development. This transformative step underscores our resolve to recalibrate ourselves, bolstering competitiveness and efficiency. Such adaptations equip us to effectively address contemporary issues and anticipate the challenges of tomorrow, yielding tangible outcomes. The fourth imperative is how to link tradition with modernity, excellence with empathy, equality with equity and inclusion with integrity and innovation. This transition necessitates a concentrated emphasis on fostering and advancing Indian Knowledge Systems. The setting up of Vidyaranya Institute of Knowledge Advance Studies {VIKAS} as a step in this direction. This includes various aspects, including the promotion of Indian languages. JNU envisions a “School of Indian Languages, Culture and Civilization” to foster better understanding of each other. Under this initiative, a Center for Tamil Language Studies has been established in JNU that is poised to be joined by the Assamese, Odia, Kannada, and Marathi languages. While JNU is not the singular entity engaged in this endeavor, it aims to assume a leadership role to actualize the visionary NEP 2020. The biggest challenge is the existence of multiple narratives in the Indian intellectual horizons with excluding any. We aim to cultivate a proficiency that attracts the world to us rather than us seeking validation from the world. Looking forward, our strategy encompasses leveraging the prowess of our alumni network and building upon our notable achievements. Concurrently, we are committed to forging novel avenues of contribution, exemplified by our emphasis on Indian Knowledge Systems. Indic Civilization state is a Feminist and a nature centric one. We celebrate Six Ds in JNU- Democracy, Difference, Debate, Dialogue, Dissent and Development, very much part of our values. We have students and faculty from all parts of the country working for the nation’s progress in peace and harmony. #NEP2020 #AmritKaal #PublicEducation #6Ds #HigherEducation #JNU Originally Published : The Sunday Guardian, 10th September, 2023 https://sundayguardianlive.com/opinion/challenges-to-higher-education-in-amrit-kaal Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is Vice Chancellor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Swaran Singh The geopolitics of expanding East-West polarisation and persistent North-South divide provided an acid test for India’s leadership and it has come out quite successful in converting those challenges into opportunities as well. The G20 Presidency has provided India with great opportunity to better engage with the world as also prepare its own citizens for its ever expanding role as global leader. For G20 as well, India has showcased its strong credentials to lead this most powerful body in global governance especially for the macro-management of global economic trends. The geopolitics of expanding East-West polarisation and persistent North-South divide provided an acid test for India’s leadership and it has come out quite successful in converting those challenges into opportunities as well. To begin with, G20 is a group of world’s largest economies and India has come to be recognised as world’s fastest growing economy amongst these large economies. Looking at top five economies in year 2023, the United States has been growing at 1.8% followed by China at 4%, Japan at 1.7%, Germany at 2.6% while India has marked its current growth rate at 7.2%. Plus India’s demographic dividend — of median age of 28.8 years — has witnessed continuous rise in its trade and foreign direct investments that also posit confidence in India emerging as major contributor to global growth trends. In wake of geopolitics increasingly circumventing consensus building in recent G20 presidencies, India’s policy of multi-alignment — that seeks to build partnerships in as many sectors with as many countries as possible while ensuring strategic autonomy — has witnessed India being one of the few that have been able to sustain position of neutrality in ongoing Ukraine crisis. India is among few nations that have been able to build strong partnership with most of the major powers, also with emerging economies and least developed nations. India remains continually engaged with both the United States and its friends as also with China-Russia and their friends. It is part of Quadrilateral Security Framework but also part of BRICS and SCO groupings. This makes India perhaps ideal candidate to ensure cohesion in increasingly polarising global governance. India’s has accordingly demonstrated its heft in showcasing its vision, versatility and vigour by raising several benchmarks to make 18th G20 presidency of 2023 unprecedented by achieving several firsts. At the most visible level never before G20 witnessed so many and such large gatherings as this year: India’s presidency saw 220 meetings being convened in 60 cities across every province and union territory of India. It brought over 100,000 delegates debating on multiple themes at multiple levels while experiencing India first hand. These also resulted in adding a whole range of new themes in their parleys and in producing most voluminous recommendations. This has provided India opportunity to further engage its own citizens and raise their awareness about India’s changing global role and stature; and responsibilities that will accrue from such transformation. This remains a prerequisite for any emerging power to build strong domestic constituencies for its global leadership. Foreign policy is nothing but an extension of domestic politics and voters must support their national leaders’ indulgences with issues that may have only an indirect impact of lives. As Indian leaders begin to invest greater attention and resources in addressing global challenges, G20 presidency provided an ideal opportunity to connect India’s foreign policy goals with aspirations of Indian citizens. But India’s contribution to G20 in 2023 remains much deeper. The most salient has been India’s focus to bring ‘Global South’ issues and perspectives to the centre-stage of these deliberations. Within weeks of taking of G20 presidency in December last year, January this year saw India convene the Voce of the Global South Summit that was attended by delegations from 125 nations. This has ignited greater interest of several other international forums in engaging nations of Global South thereby contributing to term ‘Global South’ shedding its pejorative pretences and be seen as nomenclature for evolving solidarity of nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America. India also stands reassured of Global South continuing to stay at the helm with nations of Global South — Indonesia (2022), India (2023), Brazil (2024), South Africa (2025) — continuously holding G20 presidency in coming years as well. G20 that had expanded from G7 grouping of most advanced industrialised nations has gradually changed its character. To begin with following the collapse of former Soviet Union, Russia was co-opted to make it G8 but that was soon replaced by G7 coopting some of the nations that later came to be known as BRICS as Observers. There were two milestones marking this transition. First, the East Asian financial crisis of 1997 had triggered finance ministers’ meetings of top twenty economies. Then these parleys were upgraded to its current G20 national leaders summit following the global economic crisis of 2008. Nevertheless, for long, the G7 had continued to define the essential character of G20 as market- and profit-driven, striving for material growth rates which now stand challenged as a sustainable model. The fundamental change triggered by co-option of the nations of Global South in G20 has been in accelerating a fundamental shift from growth to sustainable development. This has also sought to make G20 more inclusive in its vision and initiatives. Most important, G20 parleys have emerged out of largely close-door confabulations of celebrated economists, policy wonks, national leaders into what Indian prime minister calls a ‘People’s Festival’ seeking human-centric development. In this piecemeal changing of the style and substance of G20, India has made a seminal contribution by accelerating this transformation. This realisation has also gradually dawned on world leaders that urbanisation- and industrialisation-driven globalisation has accentuated the gulf between rich and poor within and between nations. What India’s foreign minister calls re-globalisation seeks to prioritise on sustainable development by making it inclusive of the nations of the Global South that have so far been on the receiving end of various emerging global challenges like climate crisis. Accordingly, the themes that 2023 has seen coming to the forefront include issues like millets, agriculture and food security, traditional medicine, biofuels, women-led development, climate finance, digital public infrastructure and so on. India has been able to generate consensus on large number these issues at various levels and many of these may also achieve consensus at the summit level. Finally, true to its civilisation ethos, India sees its presidency as part of an ongoing process in which summit 2023 is but one important event. Also, India’s presidency continues for eighty-one days beyond the 2023 summit. Plus given the Troika Leadership format of the G20 — where preceding, current, and next presidencies work in tandem at all levels — India will continuing to be at the steering wheel for next year as well. From this perspective, India remains committed to continue to work on issues on which consensus may be built during India’s presidency or later in subsequent years. The fact that India is all set to emerge from currently being world’s fifth largest to world’s third largest economy is also bound to add to its influence and aura on global governance enabling it to make a seminal contribution in making G20 inclusive, representative and effective in its endeavours. #G20 #G20Summit2023 #GlobalSouth #India Originally published: International Affairs Review, September 8, 2023. http://internationalaffairsreview.com/2023/09/08/g20-presidency-an-opportune-moment-for-india/ Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Swaran Singh is visiting professor at the University of British Columbia, fellow of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute in Calgary, Alberta, and professor of diplomacy and disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Dr. Jajati K. Pattnaik This maiden expedition to the lunar south pole is going to empower India with critical information in space research and secure a firm place among the elite nations that compete to exercise their deep presence in space. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s address to the nation from Johannesburg in the immediate aftermath of Chandrayaan-3’s historic soft landing in the south pole of the Moon aptly alludes to the ‘Global South’. This is no doubt a remarkable feat achieved by a nation from the global south which has experienced a couple of centuries of British colonisation. To be the fourth country to have sent a space mission to the Moon after the US, Russia and China and to be the first country to have sent its spacecraft to the south of the Moon is an incredible accomplishment by India. Soft landing on the south pole of the Moon where the temperature may sink 230 degrees Celsius and mostly dark in the absence of sunlight is a difficult enterprise but this illustrates the depth of Indian engineering and space research. This develops a great deal of enthusiasm for nations in the Global South, and India becomes a nation that inspires a multitude of nations. The grit, resilience, and courage with which India has emerged from its colonial past form an inspiring story that shapes the imagination of success for many nations in the Global South. The reference made in PM Modi’s speech is a subtle call to the Global South to awaken from the colonially induced lethargy, and India takes the lead to shake off the invisible yokes. This enhances India’s prestige in the Global South and gives the former a leadership role. The attitudinal shift that India inspires naturally attracts allies to ensure India’s rise in the soft power sphere. The cutting-edge research that India is expected to conduct on the Moon is also going to help in several ways to the developing countries. In the age of Artificial Intelligence, Information Technology and Space Research, the countries that have established their strength in these areas are going to make a difference and determine the nature of the global order. The successful landing of Chandrayaan-3 on the Moon’s surface will help India acquire information about the nature and features of the Moon and its metal and mineral constitutions, the possibility of life and bacterial formations, vegetation, etc. The importance of India, in this connection, is going to enhance globally as a nation with a difference. India’s democratic political culture and its ethos of friendship and cooperation are going to be its soft power assets to make more collaboration with NASA and other international organisations to add more critical layers to space research. This achievement will encourage a deeper ISRO-NASA research engagement. With the deployment of critical technology, the research on the Moon may arrive at some breakthroughs that may enhance the scope of the probability of life on the Moon. India’s soft power through space research is going to take a very defined shape. This historic mission to the south of the Moon is just the end of the beginning. The real and challenging task lies ahead regarding its function on the moon’s surface to procure critical data for major research to take place. The Chandrayaan-1 gave India the breakthrough of exploring frozen water on the Moon. The Chandrayaan-3 is expected to examine the soil on the moon and measure its density and contents. The nature of metal and mineral compositions in the Lunar soil and rock is one of the significant objectives of the mission. The spacecraft is equipped with high-tech instruments which are capable of high-end experiments and analysis. The instruments such as RAMBHA and the Langmuir Probe sent in the module are going to play a key role in observing the plasma activities on the lunar surface. The research effort would be to understand the nature of the ion and electron particles. The thermal properties of the soil and other related constituents are going to be the key focus of this lunar expedition. NASA’s payload accommodated in the module is the LASER Retroreflector Array which is going to give measurement-related breakthroughs regarding the distance between the earth and the moon and the lunar orbital behaviours. This information will help in a crucial way to understand the behaviour of the earth. This will enable scientists to make precise predictions about different geological or seismic activities. In addition, the other two critical instruments namely the Alpha Particle X-ray Spectrometer (APXS) and Laser Induced Breakdown Spectroscope (LIBS) are designed to examine the properties of the lunar topsoil. This may lead to the exploration of the history and evolution of the moon. This along with a host of other reasons creates a compelling case for India’s soft power ascendancy on the global platform. This maiden expedition to the lunar south pole is going to empower India with critical information in space research and secure a firm place among the elite nations that compete to exercise their deep presence in space. India, in this direction, has put dedicated efforts into establishing its position as one of the impactful players in space technology and exploration. Its space-tech ecosystem and enthusiastic and sustained entrepreneurial interest in it are going to make India a hub of space research and technology. For this purpose, there are over 140 space-tech start-ups have organised their efforts to take India to a different level in space science. The success of the Chandrayaan-3 explains the top standard of Indian space technology. This will attract more investment in space engineering. The cost-effective model that India has pioneered through its Chandrayaan-3 constitutes a central motif for definitive investment. This is going to add more energy to the Indian economy. This will also generate a scope of employment for the Indian youth. The space economy may also emerge as a catalyst for diversifying India’s economic imagination. India will definitely gain strong soft power leverage across the globe and a substantive place in the space league. #Chandrayaan3 #ISRO #Space #GlobalSouth Originally Published : The FirstPost, 24th August, 2023 https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/how-chandrayaan-3-gives-india-an-inspirational-role-in-future-space-endeavours-of-global-south-13035982.html Posted on SIS Blog with the authorisation of the Author Dr Jajati K Pattnaik is an Associate Professor at Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit While the origin of democracy is usually credited to the British as the Magna Carta came into existence, the earlier inscription of Uthiramerur in Tamil Nadu had a vivid and detailed picture of democracy, said Jawaharlal Nehru University Vice-Chancellor Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit here on Tuesday. She delivered a lecture on ‘India and G20’ at Madurai Kamaraj University. She said the theme of the G20 Summit in India in September 2023, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam meant ‘One Earth, One Family, One Future’. The theme also had its roots in Tamil Sangam period work Purananuru, she said. She said there were illustrious Nobel Laureates from Tamil Nadu. This motivated young students to become responsible citizens. Referring to the success of ISRO’s third lunar mission Chandrayaan-3, she said that she took pride in the contribution made by women towards the overall development of the country. Registrar M. Ramakrishnan, Syndicate Members S. Nagarathinam and S. Pushparaj were present. Head of the Department of Political Science D. Ramakrishnan welcomed the gathering and Head of the Department of Sociology P. Rajkumar proposed a vote of thanks. Originally Published : The Hindu, 29th August, 2023 https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Madurai/g20-summit-theme-has-roots-in-sangam-literature-says-jnu-vice-chancellor/article67249577.ece Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is Vice Chancellor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva The recent weaponisation of the global financial system by the West has alarmed the Global South, and re-invigorated BRICS The recently concluded 15th BRICS summit in South Africa has decided to invite six countries viz. Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates as full members. They will join Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa from January 1, 2024. This is only the first phase of the extension. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa declared that “other phases will follow”. Although the issue of BRICS expansion has been pending for some time, the quick inclusion of six countries is remarkable. At first glance, expansion may indicate a strong China-Russia imprint. However, five out of six new members have also established strategic partnerships with India; and New Delhi has a strong development partnership with Ethiopia. As per the summit declaration, a consensus “on the guiding principles, standards, criteria and procedures” for the expansion has been agreed. As this is an internal document, we may have to wait for the details. However, it is likely that a few more countries may join at the Kazan summit in Russia in 2024. There was always a certain interest in a few countries to join the grouping. The recent weaponisation of the global financial system by the West has alarmed most countries in the South, which are looking for alternatives. With more key non-Western countries joining the grouping, BRICS may slowly emerge as a potential alternative, at least in certain economic matters. The BRIC started as an economic grouping. Although evolving global geopolitics has clearly influenced BRICS’ functioning, there is still certain geo-economic logic in the latest expansion. The expansion is energy-centric and West Asian centric. In 2022, six out of 10 top oil producers in the world were from the expanded BRICS. They produced 30 per cent of the total global oil output. This included Saudi Arabia (12 per cent), Russia (11 per cent), China (5 per cent), Brazil, the UAE and Iran (4 per cent each). Similarly, China, India, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Brazil consumed about 30 per cent of the global oil produced. Many countries, including India, China, Russia, Iran, and the UAE, are already doing some of their energy transactions in local currencies. Currently, most of these transactions are bilateral. India has also used the UAE dirham and Chinese yuan to pay for Russian oil imports. Since policy makers from these countries will be meeting regularly in different BRICS meetings, they may work out a multilateral mechanism to deal with energy transactions in their own currencies. With more and more countries joining, BRICS would obviously be no longer a grouping with mainly economic underpinnings. It will become a strong non-Western geopolitical organisation with the aim of strengthening a multipolar world order. With more countries with different foreign policy orientations joining BRICS, the charge of an anti-US grouping may also weaken. China-Russia-Iran may have a strong anti-US stance. The same cannot be true for India, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. This feeling was clearly expressed by Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva when he asserted that "we do not want to be a counterpoint to the G7, G20 or the United States …we just want to organize ourselves." Being the largest economy and a major trading partner of all BRICS members, China is likely to have a bigger clout within the grouping. Therefore, many in the West may consider an expanding BRICS as one of the long term Chinese strategies being implemented for a Beijing-centric order. However, it may not be easy for any one country in the grouping, even for China, to influence so many big and diverse countries easily. So, the effectiveness of the grouping will continue to be a challenge. It was already being mocked by many as merely as a talking shop. However, eagerness of so many diverse countries to join the grouping indicates its relevance. The world order is changing. The ineffectiveness of existing multilateral organisations including the UNSC and WTO is evident. No one country including the United States or China has the capacity to singlehandedly lead the world. In the current geopolitical setting, the BRICS expansion will provide immediate comfort to China, Russia, and Iran. But in the medium run, the expanded BRICS will help strengthen multipolarity, despite its imperfections. It may also have the potential to provide some of the answers to current global governance flaws. #BRICS #Expansion #GlobalSouth #Multipolarity #GlobalGoverance Originally Published : Deccan Herald, on 28th August, 2023 https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/despite-imperfections-brics-11-will-strengthen-multipolarity-2663185 Posted in SIS Blog with the authorisation of the Author. Prof. Dr. Gulshan Sachdeva is Professor, Centre for European Studies and Coordinator, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Srikanth Kondapalli How will the new additions to BRICS influence the economic weight and political influence of the grouping? Read more at: https://www.deccanherald.com/world/brics-plus-six-new-interests-traditional-agenda-2662324 Originally published : Deccan Herald, August 27th, 2023 Posted on SIS Blog with the authorisation of the Author Prof. Srikanth Kondapalli is Dean of School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Dr. Vaishali Krishna In this globalised world, sustainability is important for each one of us to think about our choices and actions so as to ensure a liveable future to both the present and future generations. Sustainability is based on environmental, economic and social development. It is a social objective about the ability of people to synchronise to exist on the globe over a longer period. In everyday use, sustainability often focuses on countering major environmental problems. These include climate change and loss of biodiversity, loss of ecosystem, land degradation, and air and water pollution. Today every issue is interrelated and common to the world whether it is related to Global South or Global North. The dependency has increased with the needs and requirements because all societies now progress through similar stages of development as both are facing similar situations whether developed nations or the developing ones as we all are moving towards a common path of development by various means such as investment, technology transfers, and closer integration into the world market. That is where international relations become important as it enables better organisation of human capital which is essential on matters of promoting trade and financial interdependence among nations and in promoting sustainability, security and stability. Strategic Human Resource management makes the most of human potential and opportunity in today’s unstable climate where Human resources are being upgraded from administrative players to strategic performers. Countries having good and stable relations with each other tend to share their inventions and innovations more smoothly and this has been the trend since ages. The technique of attracting, developing, rewarding, and retaining people for the benefit of both the employees as individuals and the organisation as a whole is known as strategic human resource management. Strategic management and partnership play a crucial role in capitalising human capital. Strategy for promoting sustainability in all activities include the use of resources and retention of resources to fulfil the needs of the present and the next generation. As sustainable development is a combination of environmental issues with socio-economic issues it is common for all developing countries. India, over the past two decades, has made remarkable progress in reducing extreme poverty since the World Bank is partnering with the government in this effort by helping strengthen policies, institutions, and investments to create a better future for the country and its people through green, resilient, and inclusive development. With the rise in geopolitical tensions India has kept itself balanced in overall development and tried to sustain during the global pandemic and also in this situation of turmoil in the global environment due to war in Russia and Ukraine, India is playing a major role to continue the supply chain and also bringing peace in order to stabilise the global security. India got the opportunity to head the G20 presidency and SCO where it is getting a chance to demonstrate its thought process to focus on seeking finance for sustainable development and enhancing socio-economic development through innovative, responsible and cost efficient digital public goods. The human resource management in India has been supporting the organisation to improve effectiveness, to manage corporate governance and ethical issues beyond economic performance, and to support realignment of the organisation's future direction and vision of new ways of operating towards sustainable development which will include air pollution reduction, job creation, improved health, access to energy, poverty reduction, protection of ecosystems, and more.India has been encouraging collective solutions to deal with major global challenges such as food and energy security. Indian leaders have emphasised that they believe in just one world and not in the first world or a third world with common challenges and common needs. India’s announcement that it aims to reach net zero emissions by 2070 and to meet 50 percent of its electricity requirements from renewable energy sources by 2030 is a significant intention for the global fight against climate change. India’s 1.3 billion human capital as a large developing economy and its ambitious adaptation to climate are not only transformational for India but for the entire globe.. One has to understand the potential of strategic management of India’s human capital. Having such a huge population the planning should be in the right direction with the right people in the right place with proper training to become an asset who can sustain the resources. It is all about identifying and focusing on vision, mission and objectives, environment browsing, casting strategies, assessment and command. The greater sense of responsibility is on the human capital to retain and design efficient strategies aligning with the policies, rules and regulations of the domestic and global authorities in order to sustain the environment to commence environment friendly attitude and consciousness among the employees or the end users. #SustainableDevelopment Originally Published : Republic World, 21 August, 2023 https://www.republicworld.com/opinions/blogs/towards-sustainable-development-strategic-management-of-human-capital-in-india-articleshow.html Posted in SIS Blog with the authorisation of the Author Dr. Vaishali Krishna is Assistant Professor at the Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit NEP 2020 views AI as a powerful tool to address various challenges and achieve sustainable development goals (SDGs), including promoting women’s higher National Education Policy 2020 has envisioned a holistic, multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary lifelong education. Change and continuity have been a major thrust and the introduction of scientific temper with the implementation of latest technological tools for teaching and research is very important. One such tool is Artificial Intelligence, which brings in new opportunities as well as challenges. Artificial Intelligence (AI) is the talk of the town in nearly every discussion in almost every domain. While the transformative potential of AI has been recognised for some time, its widespread applications (like ChatGPT or BingChat) and evident benefits have now made it a powerful and disruptive force across various industries. Regardless of the industry, AI is becoming essential in shaping the future. Higher education is one sector that stands to gain the most from AI’s revolutionary potential. Integrating AI in higher education presents many opportunities to revolutionize the learning experience, advance research, and innovation, and address longstanding challenges in the educational landscape. However, this journey is not without its complexities, and it demands a thoughtful and responsible approach to unlock the full potential of AI while navigating the embedded challenges. The impact of AI in higher education is multifaceted and far-reaching. As an adaptive learning tool, AI has the potential to personalize education, accommodating the diverse needs and learning styles of students. In a classroom setting, where students struggle to obtain the individual attention of the teachers given the low student-teacher ratios, AI-driven systems can provide personalized instruction, identify strengths and weaknesses and offer targeted support for better learning outcomes. This customized approach empowers students to progress at their own pace, fostering a deeper understanding and engagement with the subject matter. Moreover, the significance of AI in promoting women’s higher education cannot be understated. Historically, cultural barriers, gender norms, and limited access to educational opportunities have impeded women’s access to higher education. However, AI-driven language learning tools can break down language barriers and empower women to pursue higher education, irrespective of their linguistic backgrounds. By offering personalized and adaptive learning experiences, AI can support women in acquiring the necessary skills and knowledge to advance their careers and achieve their academic aspirations. This would prove helpful for regions with limited access to educational infrastructure. AI-driven tools can bridge the digital divide, offering equitable access to quality education. The power of AI in research and innovation within higher education is equally profound. Gathering and analysing vast amounts of data enable researchers to make evidence-based decisions, facilitating breakthroughs across various disciplines. AI-driven tools can analyse complex datasets, identify patterns, and offer insights humans may not easily discern. This data-driven approach fosters a deeper understanding of regional challenges and opportunities, promoting informed decision-making and societal advancement. Besides the educational benefits, AI-driven tools have much to offer regarding administration and bureaucracy associated with higher education. Administrative tasks, such as attendance tracking and record-keeping, can be automated using biometric authentication and AI powered systems. This reduces administrative burden and promotes transparency and accountability within the educational ecosystem. Institutions can focus more on core educational goals and provide quality learning experiences without exhausting resources and energy in repetitive tasks. Moreover, the documentation required for admissions or transfers could be significantly simplified, alleviating the current burden of complexity associated with these procedures. Yet, the integration of artificial intelligence into higher education presents several challenges. Ethical concerns and data privacy issues arise from collecting and processing vast amounts of student data. Establishing robust data protection and privacy policies to safeguard sensitive information and ensure transparent communication with students regarding data usage is imperative. Ethical guidelines must be in place to prevent the misuse of AI-derived insights and data for commercial or discriminatory purposes. Another challenge lies in AI’s implementation, particularly in regions with limited access to educational infrastructure. Bridging the digital divide demands investment in resources, reliable internet connectivity, and access to digital devices to ensure equitable access to AI-driven educational tools. Comprehensive teacher training programs are essential to equip educators with the necessary skills to maximize AI’s potential effectively. Before bringing AI to students, the faculties and the pedagogy need to be updated with the transformative nature of AI. More so, AI education in universities should accompany learning the ethics of using and employing the technology. AI educators must adhere to ethical standards and data privacy protocols to promote the fair use of technology in the education sector. In the face of such veritable challenges, a balanced approach is essential in integrating AI into education. While AI can enhance the learning experience, it should complement rather than replace the human element of teaching and mentorship. Effective education entails a symbiotic relationship between AI-driven tools and human intelligence, where educators play a central role in guiding and supporting students’ academic journeys. A critical mention here must be made about the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, which recognizes the unfolding significance of AI and its role in shaping the future of education. The policy views AI as a powerful tool to address various challenges and achieve sustainable development goals (SDGs), including promoting women’s higher education. The proactive pursuit of the objectives outlined in the NEP 2020, combined with broader governmental efforts to promote scientific innovation and learning, would yield tangible outcomes that would benefit the country and society in the long term. The effective implementation of AI in higher education demands collaborative efforts among policymakers, educators, and AI developers. The government must prioritize investment in AI research and infrastructure to foster innovation and ensure equitable access to AI-driven educational tools. Unlike other fields, AI in education would ensure improvement in AI itself as more young minds would engage the technology, making it more efficient, helpful, and safer. To implement AI better, educational institutions must embrace a culture of adaptability and provide comprehensive training to faculty members to maximize AI’s potential effectively. Integrating AI in higher education offers a transformative opportunity to revolutionize learning, research, and administrative processes. By leveraging AI responsibly, higher education institutions can unlock their full potential and create a more inclusive and innovative educational environment. The journey towards AI-driven higher education requires collaborative efforts among policymakers, educators, and AI developers to address challenges and seize opportunities. By embracing AI thoughtfully, India can lead the way in shaping a future where AI is a powerful catalyst for advancing higher education, fostering a generation of skilled and empowered individuals ready to take on the challenges of a rapidly evolving world. Essentially, India cannot afford to be complacent as the AI revolution unfolds in education. India has to seize this opportune moment with AI, as failing to do so would leave future generations constantly playing catch-up. #NEP2020 #AI #Education Originally Published: Sunday Guardian, on 20th August, 2023 https://sundayguardianlive.com/opinion/transform-higher-education-by-seizing-the-ai-moment Prof. Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is the Vice Chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Dr. Amitabh Singh and Vivek Pandey AI has emerged as a game-changing technology in modern military operations. As it continues to evolve, the line between science fiction and reality in warfare becomes increasingly blurred The integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into military operations has transformed the landscape of modern warfare. With advancements in machine learning, autonomous devices, and data analysis, AI has become a critical component of 21st-century military strategies. Experts in military strategy are now looking at the role of AI in the military, from cyberattacks to data crunching and autonomous machines, and are now examining the potential implications and future prospects of this technology. The integration of artificial intelligence into cyber warfare has revolutionised strategic intelligence gathering and provided militaries with unprecedented capabilities. The development of highly sophisticated cyber weapons, empowered by AI, has enabled military agencies to infiltrate and sabotage critical infrastructure with precision and effectiveness. The Stuxnet virus, infamous for its targeted attack on Iranian centrifuges, exemplifies the potential of AI in cyber warfare. Since then, AI-driven viruses have evolved to not only disrupt but also gather valuable strategic information, offering insights that were previously inaccessible. The collection and analysis of vast amounts of data have been facilitated by AI-powered algorithms, transforming the landscape of intelligence gathering. Satellite surveillance, battlefield sensors, and cyber operations generate massive datasets that are processed using learning algorithms. These algorithms possess the ability to decipher complex patterns, uncover hidden relationships, and extract actionable intelligence from the data. By leveraging AI, military agencies can gain critical insights into adversary capabilities, intentions, and vulnerabilities, facilitating informed decision-making and proactive responses. Beyond the Stuxnet virus, numerous other examples highlight the impact of AI in cyber warfare and strategic intelligence. For instance, AI algorithms have been utilised to detect and analyse patterns of malicious activities in network traffic, enabling the identification and mitigation of cyber threats. Machine learning algorithms can also be employed to monitor social media platforms and other online channels, extracting valuable information about potential adversaries or monitoring public sentiment during conflicts. Furthermore, AI-powered systems can augment traditional surveillance methods, enhancing the collection and analysis of intelligence in real time. Sophisticated satellite systems equipped with AI algorithms can process vast amounts of imagery data, identify patterns, detect anomalies, and track movements on the ground. This enables military agencies to monitor regions of interest, track potential threats, and gain valuable situational awareness. As AI continues to advance, it holds the potential to transform strategic intelligence gathering even further. For instance, natural language processing algorithms combined with AI can analyse vast amounts of textual information, such as intercepted communications or open-source intelligence, providing insights into enemy plans, intentions, and networks. Similarly, AI algorithms can be employed to analyse and detect patterns in financial transactions, enabling the identification of illicit funding sources supporting hostile activities. The utilisation of AI algorithms for data crunching and decision-making has transformed military operations, allowing analysts to effectively navigate through vast amounts of information. These algorithms, akin to those employed by industry giants like Amazon, possess the capacity to process and extract patterns from extensive datasets. Remarkably, AI algorithms have exhibited decision-making prowess that surpasses human capabilities in specific domains. The victory of the AlphaGo program against a human grandmaster in the intricate ‘Game of Go’ serves as a prime example, showcasing AI’s capacity to make unexpectedly bold moves that catch opponents off guard. In the military realm, AI-driven mass surveillance and counterinsurgency operations have yielded remarkable results, empowering real-time analysis of imagery captured by CCTV cameras and drones. This capability enables military agencies to efficiently monitor and track multiple potential targets, a task that would have been inconceivable without the aid of AI. The integration of AI algorithms with surveillance systems allows for the swift processing and interpretation of visual data, facilitating enhanced targeting and rapid response capabilities. The ability to analyse vast amounts of imagery data enables military analysts to detect potential threats, identify suspicious activities, and gain valuable situational awareness. Moreover, AI algorithms have demonstrated their utility in enhancing decision-making processes within military operations. By processing and analysing extensive datasets, these algorithms can identify trends, correlations, and insights that human analysts might overlook. For instance, AI algorithms can be employed to analyse historical military data, identify patterns of enemy tactics, and predict their future moves. This empowers military decision-makers with valuable information to formulate effective strategies and responses. The impact of AI algorithms on decision-making extends beyond the battlefield. Military logistics and resource allocation can also benefit from the data-driven capabilities of AI. By analysing supply chain data, AI algorithms can optimise resource distribution, anticipate maintenance needs, and streamline operations. This ultimately enhances the efficiency and effectiveness of military logistics, ensuring that resources are allocated in the most optimal manner. Autonomous machines have emerged as a significant area of focus within military AI, offering a glimpse into the future of warfare. As the capabilities of AI continue to advance, the development of autonomous systems has gained momentum, aiming to minimise the reliance on human intervention. While human decision-making is currently preferred, the inherent vulnerability of communication links during wartime has spurred the exploration of autonomous technologies. Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) like the Global Hawk exemplify the potential of autonomous machines in military operations. These UAVs can execute missions independently, eliminating the need for constant reliance on data links and enhancing their survivability in hostile environments. Governments across the globe recognise the strategic importance of autonomous systems and are actively investing in their development. France’s Dassault nEUROn and Russia’s Sukhoi S-70 serve as prime examples of cutting-edge autonomous platforms. These advanced systems have the capacity to execute complex missions with minimal human oversight, marking a paradigm shift in military capabilities. Collaborative efforts between countries, such as Australia’s collaboration with Boeing to create the “loyal wingman” demonstrate the potential of AI as a force multiplier alongside human pilots. The “loyal wingman” concept envisions an unmanned aircraft operating in tandem with a manned aircraft, providing support, defence, and completing missions either independently or in coordination with the human pilot. This collaborative approach not only enhances operational efficiency but also acts as an AI bodyguard, safeguarding the human pilot while sacrificing itself if necessary. These examples underscore the growing trend towards autonomous machines in military applications. By combining the power of AI with advanced technologies, autonomous systems have the potential to revolutionise warfare. Their ability to operate independently and adapt to dynamic situations offers advantages such as increased agility, precision, and endurance on the battlefield. However, the deployment of autonomous combatants, commonly referred to as “killer robots,” poses ethical concerns and necessitates the establishment of robust guidelines to ensure responsible and accountable use. ETHICAL CONCERNS AND FUTURE IMPLICATIONS The deployment of autonomous combatants, often referred to as “killer robots,” raises ethical concerns and necessitates the development of codes of ethics for their use. While such combatants are yet to be realised, the ongoing development of AI in military applications warrants careful consideration of the potential consequences. As each facet of AI in the military advances, the potential of other systems also increases, creating a paradigm shift in warfare. Although we may not be facing Terminator-like scenarios depicted in science fiction, the convergence of AI and military capabilities could transform future conflicts. CONCLUSION Artificial intelligence has emerged as a game-changing technology in modern military operations. From cyber warfare to data analysis and the development of autonomous systems, AI enhances the accuracy, precision, and efficiency of military endeavours. However, ethical concerns surrounding autonomous combatants highlight the need for responsible and carefully regulated implementation. As AI continues to evolve, the line between science fiction and reality in warfare becomes increasingly blurred. It is crucial for policymakers, military strategists, and society as a whole to navigate this new era of AI in the military with nuanced understanding and thoughtful consideration. #AI #HybridWarfare #Stuxnet Originally Published : News18, on July 10, 2023 https://www.news18.com/opinion/opinion-role-of-artificial-intelligence-in-modern-warfare-a-paradigm-shift-in-warfare-8299213.html Posted in SIS Blog with the authorisation. Dr. Amitabh Singh is an Associate Professor at the School of International Studies, JNU and Vivek Pandey is a PhD Scholar at the School of International Studies, JNU.