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By Prof. Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit Academia must prioritize disseminating accurate and nuanced information, countering the spread of misinformation prevalent in woke culture. The entire visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the United States is a spectacular success despite attempt by the wokes to puncture it. The Wall Street Journal reporter asking question to PM Modi never questioned the genocide of minorities in Pakistan but is worried about India. Their false cry and misinformation being spread by the woke media and a former President is in bad taste, ill-timed and very irresponsible. When the US system arrests a former President it is democracy, but when the Indian judiciary legally disqualifies a sitting MP it is interpreted as democracy and secularism is in danger. What double standards in the application of principles of democracy and secularism. This goes with the dictum that for the wokes the application of principles is based on their ideology are for someone and some purpose and the personal is political. To add to it they have invented the so called civil society NGOs that set their agenda, like Open Society. In India, a country renowned for its diverse landscape and rich tradition of open dialogue, the ascent of woke culture poses a deep concern, casting a shadow over the once-vibrant spaces of debate and discussion. Masked under the banner of promoting social justice and inclusivity, this trend fosters an atmosphere of hostility and exclusion towards differing viewpoints, ironic as it may seem. As woke culture reshapes the discourse in India, it compels us to reflect upon the future of intellectual freedom and the preservation of diverse thought. But what exactly is this pervasive phenomenon known as “woke culture” or “wokeism” that has permeated intellectual spheres locally and globally? The term “wokes” refers to individuals hyper-aware of social justice issues, advocating for change predominantly through online activism. However, it is essential to note that wokes do not necessarily represent the majority opinion or the sentiments of the masses. Instead, they often represent a more minor, vocal faction with a particular agenda. Their amplified voices, aligned with like-minded individuals and groups, create an illusion that their views, values, and moral compass hold absolute truth. Within the realm of woke culture, characterized by its creators and followers known as “wokes,” an exceptional emphasis is placed on morality and righteousness. This heightened focus on morality brings to mind the insights of philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, who discussed the concept of herd mentality and its influence on moral judgments. Nietzsche astutely observed that the morality associated with herd mentality asserts, “I am morality itself, and nothing else is morality!” This observation resonates when considering the wokes’ tendency to invoke their own version of morality, vehemently asserting that their moral framework is the sole embodiment of what is right, dismissing alternative perspectives. Wokeism is marked by an unconditional and one-size-fits-all approach to thinking, often leading to selective uproar and oversimplification of complex ideas or situations. This mindset disregards the need for context and thorough examination, which can spread misinformation and contribute to societal polarization. Instead of genuinely addressing the intricacies of a specific issue, the emphasis often lies on “virtue signaling” or projecting an image of moral righteousness. This focus on appearances rather than the problem at hand hinders meaningful progress and constructive dialogue. In such a situation, it becomes essential to move beyond superficial gestures and prioritize nuanced understanding and thoughtful analysis to foster a more informed and inclusive society. In addition, woke culture significantly emphasizes group identities, elevating social identity above individual experiences and beliefs. This prioritization of group identities perpetuates the growth of tribalism and intolerance. A divisive mindset takes hold by categorizing individuals solely based on their social identity, eclipsing the acknowledgment of diverse personal experiences and viewpoints. This narrowing of focus creates an environment where intolerance towards differing perspectives becomes increasingly pervasive. As a result, the potential for meaningful dialogue and understanding diminishes, hindering the progress toward a more inclusive and harmonious society. A significant consequence of the rising woke culture is the stifling of free speech and receding space for intellectual space. Despite the claims of equality and diversity, wokeism shuns the opposing viewpoints as unacceptable or offensive. This is frequently done through a “cancelling” approach to opposing views and ideas. Individuals or their opinions that are not in line with the woke culture are deemed problematic and individuals find themselves ostracized or silenced, leading to a lack of open dialogue and exchange of ideas. Applying wokeism to the Indian context, for instance, using the Critical Race Theory in discussions on casteism, illustrates a poor understanding of Indian society. These concepts have been constructed within a colonial framework and weaponized to serve hegemonic narratives, often leading to more problems than solutions. The widespread application of wokeism in these complex contexts highlights the dangers of unconditional and contextually detached thinking. It exposes how individuals with bitter sentiments exploit resentment to perpetuate a harmful narrative. It is crucial to recognize that these developments undermine both individual and societal values in an endless pursuit of radical liberal ideas. The many notions that woke culture promotes indeed have merit in the sense that individuals, groups, and society have genuine grievances. Such concerns and grievances should never be negated or mellowed. However, the approach promoted by woke culture is counterproductive. Long-standing problems such as casteism and gender inequality require thoughtful and comprehensive solutions rather than quick-fix solutions. The misinformed smear campaigns against those who do not conform with woke culture’s thinking would neither solve any problems nor would it serve as a substitute for genuine discussions on critical issues, such as gender inequality. Relying on selective content and incomplete information only exacerbates grievances and widens existing societal divides. Ages before the concepts of free speech and public debate emerged in the West, India had a rich tradition of dialogue and discussion with institutions such as sabhas and samitis that provided platforms for debates and discussions encompassing not only political matters but also societal issues and individual differences. India’s reputation for diversity has garnered global recognition and admiration. However, the alarming rise of mob mentality observed on platforms like Twitter and other social media platforms demonstrates how this very diversity can become a vulnerability, leading to profound harm inflicted upon society and its institutions. Repairing these divisions often requires extensive time, spanning decades or even centuries. However, creating or exacerbating differences can occur swiftly, as exemplified by the current political climate to which woke culture invariably contributes. The encroachment of woke culture into academia and media has raised concerns over India’s diminishing space for diverse viewpoints and intellectual exchange. Operating under the guise of championing the marginalized and oppressed, woke culture promotes a predominantly left-leaning narrative that leaves little room for alternative perspectives. Universities, which should ideally foster robust ideological debates, often become battlegrounds for intense ideological contestation, with the left maintaining a significant presence. Through buzzwords like “cultural appropriation”, “microaggression”, and the demand for “safe spaces”, woke culture seeks to validate its moral high ground. However, in practice, it marginalizes dissenting voices and stifles meaningful engagement. While the specific subjects and themes may vary over time, the overarching outcome remains unchanged. This reality is apparent in the daily trending hashtags on platforms like Twitter, where rampant bullying and harassment undermine the very social and intellectual space the platform was intended to provide. Within academia and media, the prevalence of woke culture has given rise to echo chambers, where individuals primarily seek out and interact with viewpoints that align with their beliefs. This phenomenon has oversimplified complex issues and a noticeable absence of meaningful engagement with opposing perspectives. Academic freedom is a cornerstone of higher education, allowing scholars to pursue knowledge and ideas without fear of censorship or retaliation. The rise of wokeness (and cancel culture) undermines this freedom. Cancel culture fosters an environment of ideological conformity, something George Orwell pointed out in his novel, 1984, where specific viewpoints or perspectives are labelled unacceptable and subsequently silenced. The rise of woke culture has necessitated universities to assume a crucial role in restoring balance to public debate. As purveyors of knowledge and intellectual rigor, universities hold the responsibility to counteract the excesses of woke culture by upholding the principles of open dialogue, critical thinking, and evidence-based reasoning. Universities must actively engage in rigorous research, analysis, and scholarly inquiry, counterbalancing the dogmatic tendencies of woke culture. By promoting diverse perspectives and fostering an environment of respectful discourse, universities can encourage the exploration of multiple viewpoints and challenge the one-sided narratives often perpetuated by woke culture. Furthermore, academia must prioritize disseminating accurate and nuanced information, countering the spread of misinformation prevalent in woke culture. This should also follow providing the other side space to talk about their viewpoints and ideas. By encouraging evidence-based reasoning and critical analysis, universities should be the eponymous lighthouse in the storm of cancel culture and woke ideology to equip individuals with the tools to critically evaluate ideas, navigate complex issues, and discern fact from fiction. They are also responsible for cultivating intellectual humility, emphasizing that knowledge is an ongoing process and that one’s beliefs should remain open to scrutiny and revision. This approach counters the inherent rigidity and self-assuredness often associated with woke culture, encouraging individuals to self-reflect and consider alternative perspectives. In an era characterized by the unchecked growth of the culture of wokeness and the pervasive climate of political correctness, public space, particularly the intellectual sphere, has become heavily polluted. The prevailing narrative has devolved into a binary framework where opposing viewpoints are voiceless. In this critical juncture, universities and media must rise as beacons of light amidst polarization, misinformation and misguided opinions. They must reclaim their role as centres of critical debate, open dialogue, and substantive discussions on contentious issues sorely absent from the broader public discourse. #WokeCulture #HerdMentality #Democracy Originally Published : The SundayGuardian, 2nd, July 2023 https://sundayguardianlive.com/opinion/woke-chokehold-on-debate-discussion-is-growing Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is Vice Chancellor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

By Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva If pushed aggressively, African Union’s G20 membership could become one of the significant achievements of the Indian presidency. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has written to G20 leaders that the African Union may be given a membership in the grouping at the summit in September. If this happens, this could be an important achievement for India’s G20 presidency. Now, 96 per cent of the African population is out of the G20. With just one addition, 54 more African countries could be represented in the G21. Currently, South Africa is the only G20 member from the continent. While speaking at the UN General Assembly in September, Macky Sall, the Senegalese President and Chairperson of the African Union, advocated a seat for the union within the G20 “so that Africa can, at last, be represented where decisions are taken that affect 1.4 billion Africans." Since then a new momentum has been built to push this initiative. If the European Union (EU) can represent 27 members in the G20, the African Union could also represent its 55 members. Together these countries constitute the eighth largest economy in the world. Moreover, crucial issues concerning Climate Change, debt restructuring, urbanisation, migration, pandemics, and security cannot be meaningfully discussed without bringing Africa to the table. Africa with its recent growth history, young population, and plenty of success stories in agriculture, telecommunications, consumer markets, banking, etc. is much more confident today than any time in the recent past. Many of the fastest growing economies of the world are in Africa. The resurgent Africa has expressed its ambition through Agenda 2063 and its 15 flagship projects. When there are trends towards protectionism in the world, Africa has taken a bold step in the opposite direction by launching the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). As almost every country in the continent is a member, this is the largest free trade area in the world by number of countries. Realising the importance of Africa for the global economy, the union is occasionally invited to G20 summits. Under the Chinese presidency in 2016, the G20 started supporting African industrialisation. To improve private investment in Africa, a compact with Africa was created under the German presidency in 2017. Similarly, the Italian presidency in 2021 hosted the Africa Advisory Group. Recently, a group of passive, consultative, or at best diminutive role”. This might change if an additional seat is provided to the union. The summary of deliberations of the Voices of Global South Summit held earlier this year did not mention anything about the African Union’s membership aspiration. The Chair’s summary of G20 Foreign Ministers’ meeting in March only indicated that ministers were “supportive of further deepening cooperation between the G20 and regional partners, including African partners”. However, at the press conference after the meeting, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov asserted that "we have agreed that the African Union will henceforth be a full member of the G20, just as the European Union has been participating in this work for several years." At the US-African leaders summit in December 2022, US President Joe Biden announced that he would support the African Union joining as a full member of the G20. Similarly, at the co-ordination meeting with the African Union in July 2022, European Council President Charles Michel mentioned that the EU would support African Union’s G20 membership. French President Emmanuel Macron insisted at the last G20 summit in Bali that the African Union should have a seat at the G20 table. In the last few months, Germany, Japan, Italy, and Canada have all indicated that they would support the African Union’s G20 membership bid. Apart from the Western powers, Brazil, China, Indonesia, and Russia have also supported the African Union’s G20 membership. Now India as a presidency country has also put its weight behind the African Union’s G20 membership. If New Delhi really wants to see the African Union as a G20 member by September, the next few weeks are going to be crucial. Even if many members have indicated their support, a high-level outreach to all G20 members is crucial. Modi’s visits to the United States and France can be used to build a broader consensus on the issue. Some of the countries might have shown support for political correctness, it needs to be firmed up. Others who have not made any commitment so far might have reservations. There could be arguments of the G20 losing its effectiveness with an expansion. Since India has now taken this initiative, it needs to put its full diplomatic weight behind the move. #G20 #AU #IndiaPresidency #VoicesGlobalSouth #AfricanUnion Originally Published : Deccan Herald, on 21st June, 2023 https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/african-union-india-g20-european-union-indiag20-1229788.html Posted in SIS Blog with the authorisation of the Author. Prof. Dr. Gulshan Sachdeva is Professor, Centre for European Studies and Coordinator, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

By Prof. Srikanth Kondapalli Eighteen rounds of Corps Commanders’ meetings took place to resolve the stand-off in the Ladakh sector that China precipitated in April-May 2020 Three years ago, on the fateful night of June 15, 2020, China’s soldiers unleashed violence killing 20 Indian soldiers at Galwan in the western sector of the border with India. In the period since, what we have witnessed is China’s coercive military posture, diplomatic obfuscation, reneging on well-established protocols and border pacts, deliberate stalling of the border talks, endless discussions at the ground level, diversionary tactics to gain territorial advantage, and unleashing of unprecedented psychological warfare on India. As China reneged on its promise to abide by the 1993 peace and tranquillity agreement, the 1996 confidence-building measures, and the 2005 and 2013 agreements, India insisted that these agreements be observed in toto for restoration of bilateral ties. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar stated on June 17, 2020, that unless and until peace and tranquillity prevailed at the border, bilateral relations would not improve. Over 30 dialogue processes between the two countries have been shut down, including the Special Representatives meetings on the territorial dispute, strategic dialogues between the two foreign ministries, annual defence dialogues, strategic and economic dialogue between Niti Aayog and China’s National Development Reform Council, dialogues between the two finance ministries, youth exchanges, media and think-tank dialogues and others. In fact, today, the world’s second and fifth largest economies do not even have each other’s journalists on their soil! Eighteen rounds of Corps Commanders’ meetings took place to resolve the stand-off in the Ladakh sector that China precipitated in April-May 2020. In February 2021, the two defence ministries issued a statement, with the Chinese side suggesting a “synchronised disengagement”, while the Indian side sought a “phased, coordinated and verifiable” disengagement and de-escalation process. While some progress was made in these 18 rounds, China refuses to vacate the Depsang Plains and Demchok areas, which Indian troops traditionally patrolled along the LAC. China wants its current occupation of these areas to be the “new normal”. China’s Western Theatre Command spokesman Long Shaohua audaciously called upon India to meet China “half way”. Meanwhile, reflecting Beijing’s diplomatic obfuscation, China’s new Foreign Minister Qin Gang and Defence Minister Li Shangfu have stated during their visits to attend G-20 and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation meetings in India that despite mobilising troops in thousands across the LAC, the border situation remains “normal”. Qin even stated that “China is willing to work with India to carry out bilateral consultations and exchanges, enhance dialogue and cooperation under multilateral frameworks, deepen coordination and cooperation on international and regional issues, and push China-India relations back to a healthy and stable development track”. All this while China refused to vacate recently occupied territories and mobilised troops and equipment. External Affairs Minister Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh have continued to state and re-state India’s position: implement agreements, vacate areas occupied since 2020, maintain peace and tranquillity on the borders, and we can talk about improving bilateral relations. Gen Li’s comments, however, reveal China’s game plan. Li said, “The two sides should take a long-term view, place the border issue in an appropriate position in bilateral relations, and promote the transition of the border situation to normalised management”. In other words, Li said that China is not going to remove its troops along the LAC, that India should compromise on China’s aggrandisement, consider the current positions the “new normal”, stop bringing up the territorial dispute and instead improve other aspects of the bilateral relationship. In the light of such attitude of Beijing, India needs to continue to stand up to China’s machinations. The strategic roads construction and deployment of advanced weapon systems, in addition to deployments of troops all across the LAC, has stood India in good stead. The Yagtse incident near Tawang last December proved that. While China is facing casualties in high-altitude regions of Aksai Chin and Tibet, battle-hardened Indian troops are now more than a match for China’s armed forces. India needs to bolster non-conventional methods of warfare, perhaps taking a leaf from the Ukrainians. For three long years, India has stood by its principles while standing up to China. The world has seen this and is convinced of China’s perfidy. Meanwhile, China is locked in disputes and conflicts with many of its neighbours and the world’s major powers. The strategic situation is therefore conducive for India. #Galwan #ThreeYears #China #India Originally published : Deccan Herald, June, 18, 2023. https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/the-world-knows-what-china-did-in-galwan-and-after-1228738.html Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Prof. Srikanth Kondapalli is Dean of School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University.

By Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva A decisive victory for either side is unlikely. The Ukrainian counteroffensive is likely to be followed by a renewed diplomatic engagement to end the stalemate. A few peace initiatives are taking shape. A resolution before the G20 summit in Delhi will be immensely helpful for India The war in Ukraine has entered another crucial phase. There are reports indicating that finally Ukraine has started its much talked about counteroffensive. The Russian President Vladimir Putin has acknowledged the offensive and claimed that “Ukrainian military has suffered far heavier casualties than the “classic” three-to-one ratio often expected during an offensive”. Now Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has also confirmed that counteroffensive actions are underway. Many western reports indicate that Ukrainian forces faced stiff resistance and suffered losses. Despite saying that the “counteroffensive attempts that have been made so far failed”, President Putin has not downplayed the challenge and acknowledged that “the offensive potential of Kiev's regime is still there”. No Decisive Gains Since June 4, Ukraine has conducted counteroffensive operations in at least four sectors (Bakhmut, Luhansk Oblast near Bilohorivka, Donetsk-Zaporizhzhia Oblast border and western Zaporizhzhia Oblast) with different outcomes. So far, Ukrainian frontal attacks against well prepared Russian defensive positions have not been very successful. Some reports show damaged Ukrainian military equipment provided by the West. But things may change as this is just the beginning of the counteroffensive. In the meanwhile, Russian missile and drone strikes on many Ukrainian cities continue. Moscow will also start deploying tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus in July 2023. The United States says that Iran is also helping Russia in building a drone factory near Moscow for the Ukraine war. French President Emmanuel Macron has urged Iran to stop supplying drones to Moscow as they create “serious security and humanitarian consequences”. Earlier, thousands of people were evacuated when the Kakhovka Hydroelectric Power Plant dam on Dnipro River in Kherson region was damaged. Both Russia and Ukraine have blamed each other for the damage. The dam provided cooling water to Europe’s largest nuclear power station at Zaporizhzhia. It is also one of the main sources of water to the Crimean Peninsula, which Moscow annexed in 2014. Facing flooding threats, the last operating reactor of the Zaporizhzhia plant has also been shut down. Five of the six reactors were already under cold shutdown. West’s Commitment To Ukraine After fifteen months, it is becoming clear that a decisive victory by either side is unlikely. Limited gains by either side will also not change the broader geopolitical scenario. However, apart from immediate military support to Ukraine, the Western endgame is not very clear. Through counteroffensive, no one expects that Ukraine will achieve all its objectives, which means liberating all areas occupied by Russia. But if Ukraine struggles in this counteroffensive, it will impact Western strategy towards Ukraine. Although the west would like a “strategic defeat” of Russia, many in Europe may not like to commit themselves for a multi-year war support. They are now hoping for some Ukrainian military gains to destabilise Putin’s war calculations. So, results of the Ukrainian counteroffensive propped up by western military equipment, training and intelligence support could lead to some clarity about their endgame. Recently at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, the US Secretary of Defence Lloyd Austin mentioned that there is uncertainty in war but "our goal has been to provide them [Ukrainians] with the capability so that they have an opportunity to be successful". Despite all the military support to Ukraine, NATO membership is still out of question at the moment. The forthcoming NATO summit at Vilnius in July may discuss some “security arrangements” for Ukraine. Despite the membership rhetoric, however, most western leaders are likely to talk about arms deliveries and security “assurances” rather than security “guarantees”. Diplomacy Offers Hope Although it is too early to conclude anything, the counteroffensive may not radically change the existing stalemate. Still, results of the counteroffensive may allow some renewed diplomatic activities. The German chancellor Olaf Scholz has already indicated that he plans to talk to President Putin soon so that the conflict can be prevented from escalating. But he asserts that borders in Europe must not be moved by force and negotiations are possible only after withdrawals of Russian troops from Ukraine. To end the war, an African peace delegation consisting of diplomats from Uganda, South Africa, Congo, Senegal, Zambia and Egypt will be visiting Russia and Ukraine soon. Both China and India have supported this initiative. Despite not naming and condemning Russia, so far New Delhi has managed its ties with the US and European powers reasonably well. However, the Ukraine war has already overshadowed some key G20 meetings and may upset the main summit in September. Any diplomatic move towards resolving the Ukraine conflict in the coming weeks may help India in finding an acceptable language for the G20 summit communique. #UkraineRussia #NewDelhi #G20 Originally Published : Money Control, on 12th, June, 2023 https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/opinion/russia-ukraine-war-the-outcome-of-ukraines-counteroffensive-may-end-the-present-stalemate-10778971.html Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva is Professor at the Centre for European Studies and Coordinator, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Swaran Singh The Two Sessions put all debates about Xi’s uncontested leadership to rest The closing ceremony of the Two Sessions of the National People’s Congress and Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference on Monday saw President Xi Jinping’s next-generation leaders finally enunciated and endorsed on lines that had became public after the 20th Party Congress last October. Also, the imprint of Xi’s uncontested leadership was writ large over these festivities that, among other eloquent eulogies, unanimously re-elected him for his third term as president of the People’s Republic of China and chairman of the Central Military Committee. But apart from Comrade Xi making history by staying in command in spite of China’s well-established 10-yearly power transition to the next generation leaders, the significance of the quinquennial Two Sessions (五年一次两会) remains rather critical and deep and must not be overlooked with this inordinate focus on Xi. During the last decade of Xi’s presidency, for example, the Two Sessions have become a major platform for showcasing of China’s electoral and consultative democracy at work. This has become especially noticeable as Chinese experts and officials have been trying hard to debunk Western insinuations calling Two Sessions mere rubber stamps that simply sit pretty to endorse all big decisions made during the preceding Party Congress. They point to the overwhelming attendance in the Two Sessions as well as in scores of small group meetings during these two sessions where deputies deliberate on various work reports and draft plans as also on various nominations to top positions in China’s leadership. This, according to them, constitutes China’s whole-process people’s democracy, the one, that it claims, has delivered better results. The Chinese also claim their legislators at various levels have superior education levels, representing a whole range of professional sectors including providing due representation to China’s minorities. The Communist Party claims it consults with other political parties, however minuscule be their presence in Chinese politics. Quinquennial Two Sessions Setting the tone for the deliberations at these quinquennial Two Sessions, Xi’s inaugural speech last week saw him reiterate his China Dream of national rejuvenation and call upon the delegates to deliberate on the bolstering China’s “national strategic capabilities” to “systematically upgrade the country’s overall strength to cope with strategic risks, safeguard strategic interest and realise strategic objectives.” Also, US government’s recent overreaction – in shooting down Chinese weather balloons and Secretary of State Antony Blinken canceling his China visit at the last minute – invited a direct and sharp criticism the United States’ “all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China” from Xi. Qin Gang. China’s new foreign minister, elaborated this last week, invoking threats of a “wolf-warrior discourse trap,” and urged Chinese diplomats to stay ready to “dance with the wolves.” This saw the Two Sessions raising China’s military spending by 7.2%, taking it to US$230 billion for 2023. This was again anticipated in view of Xi’s enunciations of making the Chinese military reach “world-class standards” by 2030. But remember, this budget even now is only around one-fourth of the US defense budget for 2023. Plus, the US enjoys defense alliances with three dozen other advanced industrialized nations, including those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and its Asian allies Japan and South Korea. China has also been making projections of becoming world’s largest economy by 2030 and calling US policies including its ban on semiconductors aimed at denying such a fait accompli. This saw outgoing premier Li Keqiang’s Government Work Report setting the target for China’s economic growth for this year at an ambitious 5%, which may not come easy for an $18 trillion economy and is something that his successor Li Qiang will have to deliver. The Two Sessions also endorsed Xi’s structural reforms geared for China’s next stage of development involving better regulation and distribution of wealth, closer connect of man and nature, and prosperity for all. His call for social and economic transformation saw deputies debate on building a well-off society in an all-around way, unemployment and corruption challenges and protecting China’s aging population and other disadvantaged groups negatively affected during the pandemic period. State Council reforms Starting from the very apex, the new State Council will be redesigned during the coming weeks. In some ways, it is customary at the beginning of quinquennial Two Sessions that also outline China’s focus for next five years. This usually entails setting up of new ministries, recalibrating their hierarchy, powers and responsibilities, regulatory oversight and recasting their social and financial systems. Some of these structural reforms have attracted great media attention. If the last such reset in 2018 was any example to go by, the Two Sessions then cut the total number of ministerial level entities by eight and vice-ministerial-level entities by seven while creating seven new ministers and a number of new agencies. One novel experiment this time was the decision to reduce the personnel of all central departments by 5% and relieved officials to be relocated elsewhere to “strengthen key areas and important tasks.” The State Council Institutional Reform Plan explicated how “scientific and technological innovation occupies a core position in the overall situation of China’s modernization drive.” Accordingly, the work of the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) is reorganized by transferring some of its responsibilities to other ministries and by creating the Central Science and Technology Committee (CSTC or 中央科技委员会). This is to allow the MOST to focus on the macro-management of strategy, planning, system reforms, resource planning, policy regulation and oversight of the CSTC and others related entities. Along with China’s increased focus on science and technology, digital transformation in specific has come to be another major goal of Xi’s modernization. The State Council Institutional Reform Plan accordingly underlined that the “digital resources and the digital economy play a fundamental role in economic and social development.” For this purpose, a new National Data Bureau (NDB) is created to coordinate the utilization of digital resources and promote digital economy. For creating a digital society, the NDB is to subsume the work of Communist Party’s Central Cybersecurity Commission as well as some of the data-related functions of the powerful National Development and Reform Commission. Likewise, in banking and financial regulation reforms as well, the China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission is replaced by the new National Financial Regulatory Administration, which will have supervisory responsibility of all financial sectors except for securities which are regulated by the newly created China Securities Regulatory Commission. This consolidation was much needed as China, and the rest of the world, is set to face the onset of global inflationary and recessionary forces. Innovation remains another major priority for President Xi and intellectual property has been at the center of China-US brinkmanship. Accordingly, the State Intellectual Property Office is now upgraded and will report directly to the State Council instead of its current reporting to State Administration for Market Regulation. Xi’s China Dream As was strongly reiterated by Premier Li Qiang’s detailed press conference after the closing ceremony of the Two Sessions, President Xi’s next-generation team shows strong commitment to move forward with these social and economic reforms toward realizing his China Dream of national rejuvenation. Among other visible changes, the Two Sessions showed China becoming receptive to paying more attention to public criticism. This saw the Two Sessions restructuring the National Public Complaints and Proposals Administration to strengthen and improve its handling of public petitions, and it will now rank equal other affiliated institutions of the State Council, putting it at par with the taxation office. In his first press conference as premier, Li Qiang patiently answered a whole range of tough questions from foreign and domestic media detailing China’s plans to address challenges of unemployment, aging population and even on China-US tensions, Taiwan and Covid mishandling. While the premier claimed China’s victory over the pandemic and reassured China remaining the most favored nation for foreign investments, most of China’s aging-related institutions, such as the Office of the National Working Committee on Ageng or China Association for the Elderly, that were transferred in 2018 to the National Health Commission have now reverted to the Ministry of Civil Affairs (MCA), which is now to develop a comprehensive inter-ministerial coordination, guidance and supervision of aging-related plans and initiatives. Finally, the 10-day fervor and festivities of China’s quinquennial Two Sessions have ended with the enunciation of Xi and his next-generation leaders. This has also put all debates about Xi’s uncontested leadership to rest and seen him and his new team reiterating lofty promises and how they plan to hit the road running. While the coming few weeks can be treated as their honeymoon period to find their feat in their new responsibilities, the new team will have to begin delivering on their promises. Both Xi’s unprecedented third term in office and China already being an advanced economy now place real tough challenges on the shoulders of Xi’s new team who are expected to sustain the magic that Deng Xiaoping’s reforms unleashed from the early 1990s. #Xi #TwoSessions #ThirdTerm #ChinaDream #SinoUsRivalry #NationalRejuvenation Originally Published : AsiaTimes on March,13, 2023 https://asiatimes.com/2023/03/xis-next-generation-leaders-commit-to-his-china-dream/ Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Swaran Singh is visiting professor at the University of British Columbia, fellow of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute in Calgary, Alberta, and professor of diplomacy and disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Dr. Sakti Prasad Srichandan Russia’s actions have now united the European countries more than ever before, which will also test India’s global actor role The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has almost doubled its borders with Russia with the addition of Finland as its 31st member in April 2023. Sweden will become a member eventually, once the ratification process gets over, which will swell NATO’s territorial expanse like never before, and also make the Baltic Sea a NATO lake. The accession of Finland was the fastest on record. For long, Nordic countries Finland and Sweden had refused to take sides, maintaining military non-alignment and being focused more on their internal socio-economic development, thus making them models of modern welfare states. Their relations with Russia were moderate at best, if not deep enough. But the Russian invasion of Ukraine changed the way they had viewed their eastern neighbour and the predictability of its leader, Vladimir Putin. For sure, Mr. Putin’s actions have brought certain changes in the regional security dynamics of Europe. Russian actions, European unity First, engaging Russia has never been so easy for the European Union, mostly because of differences among member-states. Some European countries such as Germany and France had a soft corner for Russia, unlike some Baltic states such as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania which have been in favour of treading a cautious path. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has not only brought back war to the European realm in the post-Second World War era, but is also a blow to the EU’s image as an actor, having failed to avert the war in its neighbourhood. An interesting outcome in this adverse situation is that Russia’s actions have now united European countries more than ever before. Second, Mr. Putin might not have expected that Finland and Sweden would give up their neutrality so soon. Their membership will also mean more expenditure, militarily, and restructuring apart from a stationing of NATO forces under the new command structure. As a response, Russia will also build its military presence in the adjoining northern areas and the Kaliningrad exclave. Bordering Finland, these northern areas (starting from St. Petersburg to Murmansk) come under the Russian Core region, which is strategically and economically important for Russia. Having NATO at its Finnish door will further fuel Russian anxiety. Spotlight on the Arctic Third, apart from these immediate border areas, another region where Nordic countries (or for that matter NATO) may face a standoff with Russia is the Arctic region, which has received little attention being too hostile an environment to merit any attention. But, due to climate change and prospects of harnessing untapped oil, gas and mineral resources, it is receiving wide attention, creating unexpected and complex challenges. Apart from the United States, Canada, and Russia, the Nordic countries such as Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden and Finland are members of the Arctic Council, and have a direct stake in Arctic affairs. There have been localised confrontations between Russia and other actors here. NATO membership for the Nordic countries has brought a new geo-strategic dimension to the Arctic’s future. For Russia, cohabitation, rather than confrontation, with NATO was an option, but its military action has changed everything. By invading Ukraine, Mr. Putin wanted to stop NATO from expanding its base. On the contrary, it has triggered a NATO expansion instead, to a larger base in the Nordic, complicating the security landscape and creating more frontiers. There is more justification for NATO’s existence now. Many countries now see their secure future in NATO’s Article 5. Mr. Putin has in fact made NATO great again. Implications for India In recent years, India has had limited engagement with NATO, mostly as political dialogues. India has maintained a strategic silence on NATO’s recent expansion. But it needs to closely watch for scenarios that could emerge. First, Russia has few friends left in the current situation, but India, as one of them, is unlikely to help Moscow in maintaining the balance of power to counter NATO. China has maintained a strong stance against NATO’s existence and outreach towards the Indo-Pacific. Russia may count on China for support, bringing the two countries closer, strategically and militarily, which may not be in India’s interest. Second, in recent years, the Nordic region has caught the frequency of India’s strategic radar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Copenhagen to participate in the Second India-Nordic Summit in May 2022, and underlined India’s deep interest in cooperation. This region now coming under a NATO umbrella will complicate India’s strategic choices. Third, India has observer status in the Arctic Council and pursues an Arctic Policy to promote multi-level cooperation. Finland’s NATO membership, with Sweden joining soon, along with China’s claim as a ‘Near Arctic State’ and its partnership with Russia in this region, may lead to the Arctic’s militarisation, thereby affecting the interests of all actors including India. India’s global actor role will be tested in view of the new European security architecture led by NATO, and contested by Russia. #NATO #Arctic #India Originally published : The Hindu, May 11, 2023 https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-fallout-of-putin-helping-make-nato-great-again/article66835890.ece Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author Dr. Sakti Prasad Srichandan is Assistant Professor, Centre for European Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

By Prof. Bharat H. Desai On the World Environment Day – June 05, 2023 – this author moderated a global webinar with a panel of eminent scholars from the four continents to ponder over the predicament of humankind as the triple planetary crisis has placed the Earth in the balance. This author enlisted select questions that would determine our future trajectory: i. How real is the triple planetary crisis? What level of existential threat it presents for the humankind, all life forms, the global environment and the commons? ii. Did the 2022 Stockholm+50 Moment became an effort to be ‘politically correct’ rather than seize the moment to ordain a serious revitalization of the existing corpus of international environmental legal instruments as well as the international environmental governance architecture? iii. What will take for the humankind to usher into a better common environmental future on a healthy planet? (here, here) iv. Are the suggested five ‘R’ pathways adequate? (a) reimagining the future (b) regeneration of the ecosystems (c) recovery (green) (d) rebalance equitable resource use (e) reinvigorated multilateralism (see, SIS Blog, March 29, 2023). v. What role futuristic scholarly ideas (here, here) can play in providing solutions for averting the planetary level crisis? vi. Can we turn to the General Assembly, as the plenary UN organ, for a clarion call to set in motion a bold normative process to address the crisis as a “plenary concern”? vii. What can we expect from the 2024 Summit of the Future (UNGA resolution 76/307 of September 8, 2022)? The webinar comprised five eminent panelists: Nicholas A Robinson, University Emeritus Professor, Elisabeth School of Law, Pace University, USA; Christina Voigt, Professor of International Law, University of Oslo, Norway; Nico Schrijver, Emeritus Professor in International Law, Leiden University, The Netherlands; Oliver Ruppel, Professor of Public International Law, Stellenbosch University, South Africa and Patricia Mbote, Director, Law Division, United Nations Environment Program, Kenya. Almost two hour long scintillating conversation with these panelists, affirmed this author’s indefatigable conviction for engaging in yet another audacious ideational venture preparatory to the 2024 Summit of the Future, as mandated by the UNGA (resolution 76/307) The organizing of the June 05 webinar, fifth one organized by the EPL publishers (IOS Press), affirmed that it is possible to lead from the front, even without any resources – from my home turf of SIS – in the global discourse on the future of the humankind at this critical juncture of the planetary level crisis. The Predicament The said planetary crisis has emanated from human frailty and inability to know The Limits to Growth, as propounded by the 1972 Club of Rome report and the finitude of resources on our only abode – the Earth. In fact, the human civilizational inability to overcome the greed (against need) constitutes the root cause of the global problematique and the predicament of humankind. The Club of Rome report aptly prophesized that: “It is the predicament of mankind that man can perceive the problematique, yet, despite his considerable knowledge and skills, he does not understand the origins, significance, and interrelationships of its many components and thus is unable to devise effective responses. This failure occurs in large part because we continue to examine single items in the problematique without understanding that the whole is more than the sum of its parts, that change in one element means change in the others.” (The Limits to Growth, p.11). Isn’t it ironical that after full 50 years, the humankind is unable to find a decisive way out and make a course correction from the proverbial predicament that pertains to our own existence? The humankind has sleepwalked into the planetary crisis riding on the ability to transform the Earth’s essential ecological processes. As observed in preface to this author’s curated futuristic ideational works, Envisioning Our Environmental Future (2022) as well as Our Earth Matters (2021), we need to “ponder on the rapidly depleting time we have left for remedial action to safeguard our future amid warnings of impending environmental catastrophe”. The Triple Planetary Crisis It is this planetary level crisis that stares the humankind in the face in the third decade of the 21st century. Exactly a year ago, the feisty UN Secretary-General (UNSG) António Guterres, in his opening remarks on June 02, 2022 at the 2022 Stockholm+50 Conference described the triple planetary crisis as “our number one existential threat” that needs “an urgent, all-out effort to turn things around.” Ironically, in the words of the UNSG, the human consumption is “at the rate of 1.7 planets a year” and the “global well-being is in jeopardy”. Similarly, Inger Andersen, UNEP executive director and the Secretary-General of Stockholm+50, underscored that “If we do not change, the triple planetary crisis of climate change, nature and biodiversity loss, and pollution and waste will only accelerate." The President of the 76th General Assembly, Abdulla Shahid, also reminded that the policies we implement today “will shape the world we live in tomorrow”. The UNSG’s warning has graphically vindicated this author’s 1992 scholarly prognosis (Social Science & Medicine, vol.35, no.4, 1992), at the time of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit that: “much of the developmental process in the world today does not appear to be sustainable…the human quest to conquer nature through science and technology has brought us on to the present brink. The threats to our eco-system essentially emanate from human activities in almost every sector.” At this stage, the drivers of the triple planetary crisis are: climate emergency; ecosystem degradation leading to biodiversity loss and pollution and waste. The alarm bells rung by the UNSG, as the chief executive officer, is based upon the findings of several scientific reports released during 2022-2023 including IPCC6; UNEP and WMO. The IPCC Sixth Assessment Report (April 2022) drew a grim scenario that the “Net anthropogenic GHG emissions have increased since 2010 across all major sectors globally…as have cumulative net CO2 emissions since 1850”. Similarly, UNEP’s Emissions Gap Report on October 27, 2022 has reinforced the global concerns that “the international community is falling far short of the Paris goals, with no credible pathway to 1.5°C in place. Only an urgent system-wide transformation can avoid climate disaster”. In February 2023 report, the World Meteorological Organization predicted that during the period 2013-2022 sea level rise has been 4.5 mm/yr, wherein the human influence is construed as the main driver of such ominous sea level rise. The Road Ahead The above mentioned gathering storms provide enough indications of a planetary-level environmental crisis. Do they cast shadows of the coming events before in the 21st century? It is almost akin to some of the catastrophic events including the two world wars that devastated the world in the 20th century. Hence, it was logical that one of the panelists of the June 5, 2023 global webinar, Patricia Mbote (Director, UNEP Law Division) called for “futuristic scholarly ideas” to address the planetary level crisis. Thus, it makes great sense to strive for innovative and iconoclastic solutions that could form a basis for a decisive course correction. This author precisely sought to walk-the-talk by bringing together cutting-edge ideas of global thought leaders by curating three marathon scholarly processes: (i) Regulating Global Climate Change (2023); (ii) Envisioning Our Environmental Future (2022); and (iii) Our Earth Matters (2021). On the road to 2024 Summit of the Future, maybe the UNGA could hold an emergency special session to set in motion a normative process to nudge the member states to gear up for the planetary concern. It posits a challenge for the global scholarly community to do the ideational groundwork, including contours of the UNGA’s normative process, to be affirmed by a concrete plan of action when the Heads of Government assemble for the forthcoming 2024 New York Summit. #WorldEnvironmentDay #PlanetaryConcern #LimitsToGrowth #OurEarthMatters #EnvisioningEnvironmentalFuture Dr. Bharat H. Desai is Jawaharlal Nehru Chair, Professor of International Law and Chairperson of the Centre for International Legal Studies (SIS, JNU), who served as a member of the Official Indian Delegations to various multilateral negotiations (2002-2008) as well as coordinated the knowledge initiatives for Making SIS Visible (2008-2013) and the four partner Inter-University Consortium: JNU; Jammu; Kashmir; Sikkim (2012-2020)

By Prof. Swaran Singh BRICS’ economic rise also marks an important challenge to the US-led ‘liberal world order’ This week, the five foreign ministers of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) will meet in Cape Town. On the second day of their meet they will be joined by 15 other foreign ministers representing Africa, the Global South, and “Friends of BRICS” nations. Among other things these deliberations will seek to firm up the agenda for the BRICS Summit to be held during August 22-24 this year. What are the core issues that are expected to engage their interactions, and what makes BRICS an increasingly decisive forum for global governance? BRICS 2.0 In its second decade, BRICS has emerged as the world’s most powerful grouping, with expanding recognition for being the locomotive of global growth. But BRICS’ economic rise also marks an important geopolitical drift, as this grouping has come to be seen as an alternative to the US-led “liberal world order.” For instance, BRICS’ collective gross domestic product has surpassed the US-led Group of Seven advanced industrialized nations. In purchasing power parity terms, while the collective GDP of the G7 shrank from 50.42% of world GDP in 1982 to 30.39% in 2022, BRICS’ GDP for the same period enhanced its share from 10.66% to 31.59%. As well, while the Covid-19 pandemic set in deceleration of the G7 economies, BRICS economies – especially those of China and India – continued to show strong potential. Also, the Ukraine war has set the stage for BRICS becoming increasingly conspicuous, as the grouping is seen as the most reliable partner for Russia. Besides Russia itself, not one of the other four BRICS nations has supported any of the Western resolutions to condemn Moscow’s military operations. They have also not collaborated with Western economic sanctions that seek to impose obligations on other nations. Indeed, BRICS has emerged as the singular support base keeping the Russian economy afloat. Also, while the United States has been busy raising a coalition of 50 or so nations to supply Ukraine for its war efforts, South Africa, the current chair, has prioritized BRICS playing a greater role in ending the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. Individually as well, China and India have been exploring ways to facilitate an early end of the Ukraine war. This clearly reflects the new bold BRICS. In face of the International Criminal Court having issued arrest warrants for President Vladimir Putin for his so-called war crimes in Ukraine, South Africa has announced diplomatic immunity to all officials from Russia. This confidence and enthusiasm both within BRICS and about BRICS makes their parleys both interesting and intriguing, with implications way beyond these five nations. BRICS expansion For instance, about two dozen nations have expressed interest in joining the BRICS grouping. About 20 have formally applied for membership, which of course has remained frozen since South Africa joined the original BRIC grouping in 2011. These applicants include nations from across the world: Algeria, Argentina, Baharain, Bangladesh, Belarus, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sudan, Thailand, Tunisia, Uruguay, Venezuela, Zimbabwe and so on. Within BRICS as well, the member nations’ reluctance to open up has witnessed change. China has typically been the most vocal supporter of expansion, while India was seen as the most reluctant. Over the years, Russia, Brazil and South Africa – in that order – have also shown greater inclination to add new members, though each of them has its own preferences. The Ukraine war has seen Russia becoming increasingly supportive of BRICS expansion. This is driven by its need to expand its support base against Western censure and sanctions. New Delhi remains concerned about Beijing trying to pack more of its friends into the forum, which could result in India getting marginalized. But with India now the world’s fifth-largest economy, New Delhi may have its own reasons to support friendly nations like Argentina, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. While BRICS members will need to build consensus on detailed criteria and other modalities for new members’ inclusion, this growing global interest surely enhances BRICS’ credibility and influence on global governance. Expanding intra-BRICS trade has been the primary tool for strengthening the forum. This has lately seen increasing focus on exploring alternatives to reduce their dependence on the US dollar, and creation of a BRICS currency is expected to be on top of their agenda this week. The freezing of Russian assets by the West has seen this becoming a priority, where some of the BRICS members have already put in place mechanisms for using local currencies. China has been working on globalizing its yuan. New Delhi has also evolved arrangements to trade in Indian rupees with 18 nations. India’s agenda India, which is going to host two back-to-back summits – of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization on July 3-4 followed by the Group of Twenty meet on September 9-10 – has sought to use such multilateral meetings to evolve a consensus on its own agenda. But in addition to these preoccupations, the BRICS foreign ministers’ meet this week will see Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s bilateral meetings with China and Russia drawing special scrutiny and interest. The Hiroshima G7 summit two weeks ago saw Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi having his first in-person bilateral meeting since the beginning of Ukraine war with President Volodomyr Zelensky. During the war these two leaders had spoken four times by phone, and before that they had only met briefly at the Glasgow climate-change summit in 2021. But now, after this month’s meeting, Modi’s call to “raise your voice against unilateral attempts to change the status quo,” even if spoken in the context of border tensions between India and China, will require some explaining with India’s time-tested friend Russia. This will also be seen against the backdrop of Modi’s meeting with Vladimir Putin during the Samarkand SCO Summit last September where the Indian PM had told the Russian president that “today’s era is not an era of war,” words that were repeated ad nauseam in Ukrainian narratives with Western media seeking to paint them as India’s warning to Moscow. Likewise, with India preparing to host President Xi Jinping at the SCO and G20 summits, this has created strong expectations of the two sides finding a breakthrough in their border tensions. These will soon enter their fourth year, with both sides maintaining heavy forward deployments while 18 rounds of senior-level talks and more than a dozen inter-ministerial meetings, plus meetings between their foreign and defense ministers, have not been of much avail so far. At Cape Town this week, the foreign ministers of India and China will have their third bilateral in three months. India has maintained that bilateral relations cannot be normal until the standoff on the border is resolved. Conclusion All these bilateral equations of BRICS members are bound to impact their efforts at building a multilateral consensus on a range of issues, from expanding membership to initiatives for addressing global challenges. Many of these are also issues that get reverberated in other forums and will have a direct impact on the parlays of coming SCO, BRICS and G20 summits. BRICS is seen today as the most formidable voice for the Global South on the high table of major powers of the post-World War II US-led world order. With the Ukraine war widening that bipolarity, BRICS will have to tread with care. Second, Brazil’s Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva becoming the next chairman of BRICS in August will also sharpen its credentials as an alternative to US-led global governance. For BRICS to overcome its internal disjunctions and harness its historic opportunities will require not just strong mutual understanding and trust but everyday diplomatic finesse and foresight for bold initiatives. And this will remain a work in progress, as an expanded BRICS will only makes consensus that much harder to achieve. #BRICS #Expanding Originally published : Asia Times, May 30, 2023 https://asiatimes.com/2023/05/brics-expanding-opportunities-to-influence-global-governance/ Posted in SIS Blog with the authorisation of the author Swaran Singh is visiting professor at the University of British Columbia, fellow of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute in Calgary, Alberta, and professor of diplomacy and disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit The huge uproar over a film and the politics of the ban in India is extremely unfortunate. Such is valid for the content of the national curriculum framework. The same textbooks were revised in 2006, yet no protests occurred. Those who represent the hegemonic narrative before 2014 believe they are ordained with the divine right to write the last word on history, and nothing could follow their final word. Any dissenting opinion or fact is branded misnomer or trolled endlessly. Through a well-coordinated ecosystem, the hegemonic Left vilifies anyone who disagrees with such curated narratives. This brings about the vital issue of freedom of speech and creative expression in the country, portending the absence of diversity with a preference for hegemony and exclusivism in intellectual and public spaces within and outside India. One sees this in the treatment of Karan Kataria at LSE. Had Karan not been a Hindu, would his case have been treated as it was? Such are the issues worth debates and discussions. India’s democracy is back after the Congress won in Karnataka and EVMs are reliable. Otherwise the same ecosystem cried that Indian democracy and diversity were in danger. This was being said in India and abroad by supporters like George Soros. Democracy and diversity are not determined by electoral victories and defeat. Indian democracy is very strong rooted and as old as our civilization. The advent of social media has been celebrated as a public good. However, the flip side of social media still needs to be understood through serious research within the academic discourse. Social media is blamed for promoting and sometimes perpetuating cancel culture. However, social media should be understood as a medium rather than the initiator of such ill practices. The cancel culture stands as an excellent example of failure to understand the risks associated with social media. Cancel culture is loosely defined as a contemporary phenomenon in which individuals or groups seek to publicly ostracize or punish individuals for their actual or perceived transgressions against certain social norms or values. Individuals or organizations are presumed guilty without due process, leading to loss of employment, reputational damage, psychological distress and even legal actions. Given the visibility and speed of social media, cancel culture relies on social media campaigns that quickly escalate and become viral, resulting in swift and severe (and sometimes unfair) consequences for the targeted individual or organization. However, the fascinating thing about these norms and values that cancel culture promotes is how they change with settings and individuals. Simply put, the same rules do not apply to everyone. Cancel culture is an extreme example of perverting the benefits of social pressure. It is commonly used to dismiss or target anyone with a slightly different opinion. Hate speeches are unacceptable, but social reprobation is still a necessary component of free speech. One can freely speak their mind, but one should be aware of its consequences. As is often said, “You cannot have your cake and eat it, too.” In his recent book, Cancel This Book: The Progressive Case Against Cancel Culture, a human rights lawyer and free speech advocate, Dan Kovalik, argues for the necessity of free speech in public spaces. He remarks, “speech that offends but does not interfere with another’s right of participation, should not be banned or otherwise suppressed. Rather, such speech … should be met with speech; with argument and dialogue, as a means to advance both free speech and hopefully equality.” A herd mentality traverses cancel culture where any discomfort or disagreement is not an instigation of self-reflection or recourse to checking facts. Instead, it becomes a cue to cancel the person or the idea. The most significant pathology of cancel culture is an ever-changing goal post where the behaviour is condemned regardless of its reasons, simply because you feel offended. Another pathology of cancel culture that increasingly occurs is “selectivity”. Some issues, content, or ideas are acceptable in one setting or when endorsed by like-minded individuals. Meanwhile, when someone else takes up the problems, they are condemned as insensitive, ill-informed, or accused of politicizing the issue. Besides negating facts and being selective, cancel culture is guilty of promoting the mob mentality that ultimately causes the death of reason, independent thinking, and, most importantly, due process. Some hateful actions or ideas, like Nazism, deserve to be curtailed and banished. Yet, criticism of Nazism is not based on a convenient alignment of interests but on facts and informed knowledge of the abhorrent Nazi ideas. Moreover, the lack of due process results in most victims being undeservedly besmirched. Cancel culture also causes great rifts in a society where even the dead are not safe, and such culture readily becomes a witch hunt. In the Indian case, before the film The Kerala Story could reach the theatres, a vicious campaign began that, in a Goebbelsian way, articulated falsehoods and double standards as the truth. Had it been a critique of Hindus, it would be labeled secular. Its release would have been linked with saving democracy in India. But since the role was reversed this time, the intolerant fringe refused to accept the reality and facts and tried to shoot down the messenger. Such an issue should have been championed by the so-called women’s studies centers in universities, who have turned a blind eye since it does not align with their agenda. The worrying issue with cancel culture is the convenience of labeling that comes with it. The labels are created and imposed through the lightning speed of social media. These labels cut short the room for context, nuances, or fact-checking. The result is before the issue or an idea appears in the public domain, the judgments are ready on how to receive them. One sees this in the case of Karan Kataria, whose Hindu identity automatically meant that he was an Islamophobe. Similarly, the appreciation or even acceptance of the film The Kerala Story meant that the individual was an Islamophobe. In both cases, labels were imposed, the merits of the cases were sidelined, while the evidence for such labeling was never provided. Another sad reality that cancel culture raises is the growing deniability and aversion to facts, no matter how widespread they might be. Despite the numerous real-life instances that The Kerala Story builds upon, there were not even attempts at reviewing the incidence of the concern that the film raises. Other vocal examples, like statements by the former Chief Minister of Kerala, V.S. Achuthanandan, who noted in 2010, “They (the ruling party) want to turn Kerala into a Muslim-majority state in 20 years. They are using money and other inducements to convert people to Islam. They even marry women from outside their community in order to increase the Muslim population,” are also conveniently left out in the dominant narratives. What should be concerning about the growing trend of cancel culture is that issues and ideas that it prevents reaching the audience might be something that the public should hear, even though it may not be convenient. Here emerges another pathology of the cancel culture: political correctness, which the cancel culture seeks to promote and champion. We must ask: what happens when one bows down to the cancel culture and stops the exposition of the truth? The answer is, fateful incidents like the “Rochdale child sex abuse” in the UK’s Great Manchester. This horrible episode involved abuse and sexual exploitation of underage girls in Great Manchester over several years. What is chilling about this horrendous episode was the failure of the system to address the issue because of political correctness since most of the offenders were Pakistani British. For such reasons, the insistence on free speech in public spaces is needed to see uncomfortable facts to address such problems instead of cancelling them because they do not align with one’s narratives and agendas. Finally, it must be asked why public spaces are being taken over by these cancel culture supporters in a vibrant democracy like India that will hold the largest elections in the history of mankind next year. The smear campaigns and perverse system of labeling individuals and organizations and conveniently refusing to listen to them have long-term consequences for individual development and society at large. It must be remembered that cancel culture breeds an environment of fear and self-censorship, where individuals are afraid to express themselves for fear of being “cancelled”. Nowadays, as societies become more polarized, it is essential to listen to people who are different and unlike us. Allowing them space would foster a harmonious society and lead to a better understanding of each other. #CancelCulture #SocialMedia Originally Published : The SundayGuardian, 28th, May 2023 https://sundayguardianlive.com/opinion/cancel-culture-and-public-space-in-india Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Prof Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit is Vice Chancellor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

By Sanchita Borah The production of green hydrogen is achieved through the utilization of renewable energy to split water into hydrogen and oxygen. One of the protagonists of the imminent energy transformation that the world’s economies are obligated to achieve towards the procurement of carbon neutrality and tackling climate change will be green hydrogen. The production of green hydrogen is achieved through the utilization of renewable energy to split water into hydrogen and oxygen. When there is a requirement to turn it into energy, the storage of hydrogen in the specific tanks is then transmitted into fuel cells. There it unites again with oxygen from the air, and electricity is obtained. The by-product of this whole procedure is the only water that results in a clean, sustainable process. There is zero carbon dioxide emitted while producing this energy. The time is appropriate to cling to the potentiality of green hydrogen, which is here to play a vital role in tackling the crucial challenges in the energy sector. Scrutinizing the beneficiary ramifications of green hydrogen, India and Panama have leveraged the utilization of this process as an alternative and produced sustainable energy. India’s intense urge to achieve aspirational climate goals has driven the nation towards adopting missions in energy transmission. Leveraging green hydrogen as one of the catalysts for this mission, in 2022, the Union Cabinet of India adopted the National Green Hydrogen Mission, which visualizes India as a leading producer and supplier of green hydrogen in the world forum. Given the growing momentum in the global sphere over green hydrogen and the execution of the strategies for hydrogen by multiple countries, the forging of strategic partnerships in all areas of green hydrogen development becomes imperative for India. The own plans of India to achieve a hydrogen hub in the world captivated Panama’s attention. Janaina Tewaney Mencomo, the Foreign Minister of Panama, who recently visited India, discussed India-Panama’s potential collaboration in their mission of green hydrogen development and other renewable technology. As a substitute fuel for shipping, the two nations are looking forward to working together in green hydrogen production, with the aim of Panama evolving as a nucleus of hydrogen and environment-friendly shipping. The commencement of this vision of Panama is fostered with India’s assistance. The National Secretariat of Energy of Panama launched the “Green Hydrogen Roadmap” in the global south. It pursues strengthening the green hydrogen and derivatives industry in Panama. The nation is working on a specific strategy that aims to become the node or hub of storage, commercialization, and transmission of the green hydrogen produced in the region of Latin America. The Panama Canal is one of the world’s major shipping routes, through which 13,000 ships pass annually. This has become a critical factor in Panama’s aspirations towards leveraging green hydrogen production. The nation’s “Green Hydrogen Road Map” recognizes hydrogen as a future fuel and has aimed to establish Panama as a “Global Green Hydrogen Route.” Around 29 percent of the ships transiting through the Panama Canal are energized by diesel. Panama’s interest is to participate in the transition to green energy. As an indication of deepening collaboration in the energy sector, India and Central American countries like Panama will be establishing joint working groups to ameliorate the energy partnership. The talks towards this partnership came after the Indian government’s approval of Rs. 19,744 crores for the annual production of five million metric tons of green hydrogen and bringing in investment worth Rs. 8 trillion by 2030. India also plans to run its ships on green energy by involving a hybrid energy model that will comprise a mixture of solar, wind, seawater, and hydrogen. This can initiate a radical change, as transportation through the maritime sector accounts for around 90 percent and 75 percent of trade by volume and value for India. In their journey of discovering each other, India and Panama have initiated their collaboration in the future in various other sectors, incorporating pharmaceuticals, tourism, and women’s empowerment. India has recognized Panama’s geographic positions and logistic capabilities, which can make the nation a hub for Indian investors, according to the foreign minister of Panama. This international cooperation between India and Panama in the field of green hydrogen can become a potential game changer towards achieving climate goals and in the sphere of energy transmission. The 21st century has become an array of fast-growing bilateral deals that indicate the different hydrocarbon-based energy relationships of the 20th century. In recent years, as many as 30 countries and regions have incorporated plans for export and import, thus indicating that the cross-border hydrogen trade is set to grow considerably. The countries that have not traditionally traded energy are manifesting bilateral relations that center around hydrogen-related technologies. As India and Panama initiate their cooperative effort in the green hydrogen sector, it is time to see how far the political dynamics of cooperation between nations can lead toward a greener future. #IndiaPanama #GreenHydrogen Originally Published : May 15, 2023 https://www.financialexpress.com/business/defence-the-prospects-of-green-hydrogen-india-panamas-upcoming-collaboration-3088130/ Posted in SIS Blog with the authorisation of the author. Sanchita Borah is a Ph.D. Research Scholar at the Centre for Canadian, US & Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

By Prof. Swaran Singh Since the arrest and subsequent release of Imran Khan, the entire country is in disarray Pakistan’s unfolding political drama has taken the focus off its piecemeal economic collapse in the making and the resultant social turmoil and plight of its citizens. For the region and Pakistan watchers around the world, it has eclipsed all other issues including the Ukraine war. Especially during the past week in Pakistan, things have been changing by the hour. On Monday morning, for instance, former prime minister Imran Khan, who believes he could be detained, jailed or even killed soon, claimed that the “London plan is out” and now the army has “assumed the role of judge, jury and executioner” and plans to invoke sedition charges to put him and his wife in jail for the next 10 years. Khan was referring to former prime minister Nawaz Sharif in exile in London having been the mastermind orchestrating Khan’s ouster from power, and how the current prime minister, Nawaz’ brother Shehbaz Sharif, has begun working with the army to ensure the elimination of Khan and his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). Meanwhile, there have emerged cracks within the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), a coalition formed in 2020 by all major opposition parties to remove Imran Khan from power. This was achieved in a vote of no-confidence in the Federal Assembly in April last year. After that, a coalition government led by the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) and the Pakistan People’s Party was formed. This weekend saw PDM leader Fazal-ur-Rehman preparing to hold a sit-in and protests in front of the Supreme Court that had declared Imran Khan’s detention illegal, followed by the Islamabad High Court granting him bail. Rehman believes the Supreme Court has been overly enthusiastic in protecting Khan. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, on the other hand, sought to have the protest moved to another venue, lest it trigger a law-and-order challenge in case Khan and his supporters showed up at the Supreme Court for their next legal action. History and religion Imran Khan meanwhile has begun to invoke history and religion while addressing not just members and supporters of PTI but the entire nation, which he sees as in peril of another dismemberment. Invoking emotional calls of fighting to last drop of his blood, Khan urged Pakistani citizens to bow to none other than Allah and not allow the army to threaten them with their un-Islamic behavior. Khan has become focused on targeting the Chief of Army Staff, General Asim Munir, avoiding criticizing the army itself as an institution and seeking support of the judiciary. But he also alludes to learning from the past when military repression resulted in the liberation war in East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Such references reverberate enduring assertions of Baloch nationalism being the next existential threat for the nationhood of Pakistan. It is such insinuations that have triggered questions whether Imran Khan is headed for becoming Pakistan’s future Mujibur Rehman or might end up like Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. To recall the history of Pakistan’s former prime ministers, two of them, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, were exiled, and the latter was assassinated on her return. Another popular prime minister, Benazir’s father Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, faced trial and execution. In all of these cases, the military remained either directly in control of Pakistan or the kingmaker for subsequent regimes, including that of Imran Khan himself. Khan was anointed as prime minister in August 2018 after Nawaz Sharif’s disqualification. But the current state of affairs, of the Supreme Court declaring Imran Khan’s detention illegal, and nationwide protests threatening or destroying symbolic military properties, has put into doubt the army’s formerly unquestioned power and aura, and even its cohesion. Army’s cohesion in question Without doubt, armies the world over stand out as disciplined and united organizations, and the same should be the case of the Pakistan Army. Yet most armies also have had their own internal division and dissensions that occasionally become visible to the outside world and even a challenge for military leaders. Last week’s public outrage and violence following Imran Khan’s detention was one such occasion. The fact that the home of Lieutenant-General Fayyaz Ghani, corps commander of Lahore – once the home of the father of the nation, Mohammed Ali Jinnah – was attacked and damaged by fire has ignited speculations. Was this a case of the army being taken unawares? Was it the action of people restless due to increasing difficulties following a prolonged economic crisis? Or was it a case of at least a few generals looking the other way to express their displeasure with the way the army chief has handled the Imran Khan affair so far? The fact that two dates for holding elections for the Punjab Assembly have passed without elections being held also reveals inability of the both the government and the military to deliver results. While some see this as an example of the army becoming vulnerable, others see it as the retaliation of common people who have been on the receiving end of Pakistan’s economic collapse in the making. Election year Perhaps the fact that this is the year of Pakistan’s federal elections should explain some of this hyperbole if not its consequences. With Federal Assembly elections due by October, the continued popularity of Imran Khan has become a headache for both the ruling coalition and the military, especially General Asim Munir, who has become a target of Imran Khan’s tirades since his removal as prime minister. This government completes its term in August, which means federal elections can take place any time between now and October, that is, within 60 days of the National Assembly’s term coming to an end or within 90 days if it is dissolved earlier. This puts a premium on time, and the army needs to act fast, as the costs of ensuring peace and the pride of its place in Pakistan will keep increasing. The protests that followed Imran Khan’s detention last week would lead many experts believe that if elections are held on schedule on October 8 or before, Khan will win hands down. This has seen the army trying to ensure calm by deploying troops all over and detaining large numbers of PTI cadres and supporters. But this will only get the army more deeply entrenched in politics that it would like to avoid given that the impending economic collapse of Pakistan is not a time for the military to step in to ensure order. The coming two weeks will be crucial to see which way this intra-institutional and personality war in Pakistan go, and the world will keep awake given Pakistan being a state with nuclear weapons. Whether this will involve any major power’s intervention remains unclear as of now. #Pakistan #PersonalityWar Originally published: AsiaTimes, May 15, 2023. https://asiatimes.com/2023/05/pakistan-in-turmoil-what-next/ Posted in SIS Blog with the authorization of the author. Swaran Singh is visiting professor at the University of British Columbia, fellow of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute in Calgary, Alberta, and professor of diplomacy and disarmament at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

By Prof. Gulshan Sachdeva In the emerging global geopolitics, PM Narendra Modi may use a trusted India-France partnership during the July visit to shape broader India-EU ties To celebrate the 25th anniversary of the India-France strategic partnership, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be attending Bastille Day Parade as guest of honour at the Champs-Elysées in Paris. This is the second time an Indian leader is invited as a guest of honour at the July 14 parade. Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh along with an Indian military contingent attended the parade in 2009. India has signed more than 35 strategic partnerships so far. But the first-ever strategic partnership India signed with any country was with France in January 1998. A few months later, India conducted the Pokhran II nuclear tests. France not only refrained from imposing sanctions, but French President Jacques Chirac also wanted to resolve India’s exclusion from the global nuclear framework. In the last 25 years, a strong institutional mechanism has been established to strengthen co-operation in the areas of space, defence, civil nuclear, renewables, cyberspace, digital technology, counter-terrorism, and the blue economy. Apart from defence dialogues, India’s three services conduct regular defence exercises with their French counterparts. Both have jointly launched the International Solar Alliance (ISA). Modi’s visit may elevate the partnership further by 'setting new and ambitious goals for our strategic, cultural, scientific, academic, economic cooperation, including in a wide range of industries'. During the visit, a new deal to acquire 26 Rafale Marine fighters for indigenously-built aircraft carrier INS Vikrant could be announced. India has already purchased 36 Rafale fighter jets. Recently, Air India announced a deal to purchase 250 aircrafts from Airbus. Modi’s visit will take place at a time when French President Emmanuel Macron is facing internal and external challenges. Although the constitutional council has allowed him to go ahead with his pension reforms, political opposition to Macron both from the Left and Right has strengthened. While facing domestic opposition, he has been trying to project himself as a European voice externally. Of late, he is also being criticised for his softer approach both towards Russia and China as well as his remarks on Taiwan. He has been a proponent of European ‘strategic autonomy’, and has said that Europe should not be a follower of the United States on its Taiwan policy. During his recent China visit, Macron was not able to get any clear assurances from President Xi Jinping on the Ukraine war. In 2021, the AUKUS (Australia, the United Kingdom, and the US) submarine deal blindsided France where French companies lost a $65 billion contract to build Australian submarines. Within this context, strengthened collaboration with India and new defence deals could boost Macron’s standing. Maritime security within the Indo-Pacific narrative has emerged as a strong area of mutual co-operation. Modi’s visit could also be useful for India in the context of the Ukraine war, where Indian and European perceptions differ. Strengthening strategic components of the partnership with France could also reassure other EU nations that despite few differences, partnership with India continues to be crucial. After Brexit, France is now the only nuclear weapon state and permanent member of the UN Security Council within the European Union. An area which needs more focus is trade and investment. For the last few years, bilateral trade has been about $10-12 billion. In comparison, India’s trade with countries like Bangladesh, Thailand, and Vietnam is more than France. India could do more trade with a $3 trillion European economy. Negotiations on India-EU trade and investment agreements have re-started. However, knowing the history of past negotiations with the EU, we need to redouble our efforts to conclude these agreements at the earliest. France also hosts the fourth-largest Indian community in Europe after the UK, Italy, and Germany. Despite the challenging environment, France is making a concerted effort to attract students and professionals from India. A bilateral agreement on migration and mobility co-operation is already in place which aims to facilitate circular migration based on mobility and return of skills to the home country. It targets to enrol 20,000 Indian students by 2025. Like Charles De Gaulle and François Mitterrand, Macron also seems to believe that a strong and united Europe could be used as a tool to improve the French position in world affairs. New Delhi’s position on the Ukraine war has raised some concerns in Europe about limits of strategic convergence between India and EU. In the emerging global geopolitics, Modi may use a trusted India-France partnership during the visit to shape broader India-EU ties. #IndiaEU #FranceVisit #PMModi Originally Published : Deccan Herald, May 09, 2023 https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/pm-narendra-modi-s-france-visit-to-boost-india-eu-ties-1217134.html Prof. Dr. Gulshan Sachdeva is Professor at the Centre for European Studies and Coordinator, Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi